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Estonian politician vows to legalize Holocaust denial – Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Posted By on June 2, 2017

(JTA) An Estonian nationalist politician vowed in his election campaign to decriminalize Holocaust denial and instead penalize those who would downplay the Soviet domination of the country.

Georg Kirsberg, who is running for a lawmakers seat for the Conservative Peoples Party in Estonias elections in October, was quoted Wednesday by the Estonian National Broadcasting Company.

We will decriminalize Holocaust denial and enter a correct teaching of the history of the Third Reich, Kirsberg said.

His far-right party supports revoking the citizenship and deporting what it defines as Russians hostile to Estonia a reference to ethnic Russians or speakers of that language living in Estonia, including most of the countrys Jews. Last month, the party, which was founded in 2012 and currently has seven out of 101 seats in the Estonian parliament, submitted a bill proposing such deportations. It is likely to be defeated.

The party also supports a ban on the construction of new mosques and Eastern Orthodox churches.

Doing away with Estonias laws against denying the Holocaust is however not an official party position, Martin Helme, the partys leader, told the broadcasting authority.

He does not claim that it is the partys position, it is only the thought of one person, Helme said. Asked whether the party plans to sanction Kirsberg over his comment, Helme said he sees no reason to do this.

Expressions of anti-Russian sentiment have increased dramatically in the Baltic countries Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia and elsewhere in Eastern and Central Europe. Russias expansionist policies under President Vladimir Putin are reawakening bitterness over Moscows domination of that part of the world before the fall of communism. Anti-Russian sentiment coincided with a wave of nationalism, often accompanied by denial of those countries collaboration with the Nazis.

Estonia has a Jewish population of 2,500, according to the European JewishCongress.

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Estonian politician vows to legalize Holocaust denial - Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Sweden launches program to fight Holocaust denial and antisemitism – The Jerusalem Post

Posted By on June 2, 2017


The Jerusalem Post
Sweden launches program to fight Holocaust denial and antisemitism
The Jerusalem Post
According to Lomfors, the impetus for setting up the Forum over a decade ago was in part a nationwide survey which revealed that Swedes had very limited knowledge of the Holocaust, and that a large number of youths showed signs of Holocaust denial.

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Sweden launches program to fight Holocaust denial and antisemitism - The Jerusalem Post

on stage: Playcrafters presents ‘Denial’ — a play about the holocaust and those who deny it – The Mercury

Posted By on June 2, 2017

Did the Holocaust really happen? Does one have a legal right to deny it?

Are there historical revisionists who want the whole incident to fade away or be relegated to a mere fairy tale and why?

These are some of the questions that ran through playwright Peter Sagals mind when he wrote the riveting legal drama about one of the most egregious times in human history. His two-act stage play, Denial, casts an introspective lens into the atrocity that was the Holocaust, and as Sagal says, explores the conflict between justice and morality.

Ubiquitous in the entertainment field from NPR host and comedian, to actor, director, and prolific writer, Sagal chose the subject matter for his play by way of a loose association with a real life Holocaust denier who penned, The Hoax of the 20th Century in 1973.

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Sagals fictionalized version is set in a legal office in California. The year is 1990 when Bernard Cooper (played by Mark Ayers) is a college professor of engineering whose personal effects are confiscated by the FBI. When brought in for prosecution, Jewish lawyer Abigail Gersten (played by Margo Weishar), a specialist in the 1st amendment, is requested by the ACLU to defend Cooperan anti-Semite who alleges his free-speech rights have been usurped by an overbearing government when he says the Holocaust was a perpetrated fiction designed by Jews to malign der Fhrer (German autocrats). Now hes being sued for inciting a riot.

Adding to the drama is young Jewish zealot Adam Ryberg (played by Sean Collins) who is the prosecuting attorney and questions Abigails moral compass for defending the indefensible whom she defends as much as detests. Humorous elements are lent by Stefanie (played by Carlene Lawson), the secretary whose presence adds even another layer of prejudice to the whole fiasco.

Its not an easy show emotions are raw, says Director Arnie Finkel. But its a show with a message that everyone should hear.

Rounding out the cast are two holocaust survivors, Noah (played by Julian Bonner) and Nathan (played by Dan Gudema).

While the story line is dramatic and speaks to mans inhumanity to man, there are some lighter moments within the play, including music. The set is an interesting layout shaped in a labyrinth as opposed to the traditional straight line and is produced by Cathy Carroll and Ro Carpenter.

The compelling plot takes some stunning twists and will leave the audience in rapt attention while it highlights the human condition in all of its facetsmorality and legality among them. In understanding how the world works, its important to focus on how to change the flaws in mans corruptible human nature that would conjure such prejudice and injustice. First, it must be accounted for and recognized for what it is.

Theres no answer to holocaust deniers, Finkel says. Hopefully, it will make us think.

If you go:

Playcrafters presents Denial at the Barn, 2011 Store Road at Skippack Pike, Skippack, Pa.

June 1, 2, 3, 9, 10, 15, 16, 17 @ 8 p.m.

June 11 @ 3 p.m.

Info: http://www.playcrafters.org

Phone: 610-584-4005

Tickets: $17.

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on stage: Playcrafters presents 'Denial' -- a play about the holocaust and those who deny it - The Mercury

How A Satmar Dynasty Handled a Crisis Of Succession – Forward

Posted By on June 2, 2017

The following essay has been adapted from Who Shall Lead Us: The Story of Five Hasidic Dynasties in America, by Samuel Heilman (University of California Press).

In his old age, Yoelish Teitelbaum, the first Satmar Rebbe, had outlived his heirs. Although he was leader of the largest Hasidic group in America, with tens of thousands of followers in Brooklyns Williamsburg, he had no designated successor. One by one, his three daughters had died, each without having given birth to any children. In 1936, his beloved first wife, Chavah, had died as well. Convinced of the truth of the biblical injunction that it was not good for the man to be alone, he had asserted that he did not want to be not good even for a short time. Hoping he might still father a male successor, a few in the family urged him to choose a widow or divorcee who already had children, to ensure that she would be capable of bearing children. Instead, in August 1937, less than a month before the Jewish High Holy Days, the then nearly 51-year-old Yoelish married Alte Feige Shapiro (1912-2001), the orphaned and never-married daughter of Polands Tchenstechover (Czstochowa)] Rebbe, who at the time was only half his age. Although old for a first-time Hasidic bride, she was young for a man like the Satmar Rebbe. Her youth recommended her as capable in principle of bearing him children and providing a successor.

But over the years, the rebbetzin Feige, as she was known, failed to bear him any children. Devoted to and fiercely protective of her husband, she had gradually carved out more and more prestige and power in the court and in the Hasidic world a universe in which women were generally insulated by rules of modesty and kept from most public positions. She guarded her aging husband and his authority, often acting as a go-between who spoke on his behalf and made outsize demands. In the late 1970s, when the rebbe and rebbetzin moved from Brooklyn to his new redoubt, the village of Kiryas Joel, near Monroe in upstate New York, where his followers were effectively a hundred percent of the population and his will was essentially the law, Feige found a place where she expected to reign with even more authority. She had good reason to think so, and even to imagine that she might become the first woman to lead this Hasidic colossus.

The Second Succession Battle: Nephew Versus Rebbetzin

By the time he had moved to Kiryas Joel, Yoelish was a broken vessel. In February 1968, while at Friday night prayers, the then 82- year-old rebbe suffered a devastating stroke. Unconscious for ten days, he woke up to find himself severely impaired in his speech and movement. The question of succession arose again.

For two years after the stroke, Yoelish lived in semi-seclusion from his Hasidim, staying at a summer house in Belle Harbor on Long Island and trying to recover. During this time, his wife, Feige, and his gabbaim, including prominently Yosef Ashkenazi but also Azriel Glick (who following the rebbes death and at the unveiling of the tombstone would announce that the soul of the departed rebbe could not enter paradise until a successor to him had been selected) and the yeshiva head, Nosson Yosef Meisels, gradually took outsized roles acting as conduits for his messages and as de facto leaders of the community, sometimes even making speeches on his behalf. The power of the rebbetzin loomed particularly large. Credited as founder of the Satmar Ladies Auxiliary and a prodigious fundraiser for Satmar causes, she was also credited with creating the well-known and popular Bikur Cholim, an agency that provided support and help for any Jews hospitalized in the New York area by supplying them with kosher food, free housing for their loved ones near the hospitals, and other services; it became the goodwill side of Satmar that offset the sectarian and anti-Zionist causes that were far more alienating to many Jews. Feige also had outsized power because of the absence of any direct heirs who could be eased into a position of leadership during what would be her husbands ten-year precipitous physical decline.

Feige and the gabbaim maintained the fiction that they were taking direction from Yoelish, and all was as it had been. She even came into the mens section of the synagogue to distribute shirayim, the leftovers of the rebbes food that he previously would have distributed himself at a tish.

When the ailing rebbe briefly returned to his Hasidim in early spring of 1970, they could see he was a shadow of himself. Although he would deliver a talk in the fall of 1971 at the yeshiva in Williamsburg, his slurred speech was difficult to understand. In 1972, he moved back to Williamsburg into a new house especially outfitted for his physical limitations, but by the spring he was back in Belle Harbor. In September of 1974, he moved to Kiryas Joel, choosing to live far from the center of the village. Throughout these years, the invalid rebbe became a prisoner of his body, as his Hasidim anxiously watched and wondered how his court would sustain itself in the absence of his leadership.

While Feige and the gabbaim seemed in charge from day to day, Moshe Teitelbaum, Yoelishs nephew and nominally the Sigheter Rebbe, was quietly taking a growing role at the court. During his uncles precipitous decline, Moshe was increasingly being brought into his room in ways that could be seen as setting the stage for a transition of leadership. Hasidim looked for signs from their ailing rebbe that he was ready to anoint Moshe as his successor. They took Yoelishs embrace of Moshe as such a sign, and they reportedly engaged in wordplay and Satmar exegetic interpretation with a famous liturgical blessing recited each Sabbath and holy day, Al kiso lo yeshev zar (On his throne shall no stranger sit). They saw the blessing as a reference to their rebbe and his possible successor, since a nephew was no stranger. But the rebbetzin, recalling how Moshe had been among those urging his uncle to divorce her, and realizing that Moshes succession would leave her irrevocably separated from the center of power, resisted this effort as much as she could. Whereas a dowager rebbetzin who has a son or son-in-law who takes over as a rebbe and still looks upon his mother (or mother-in-law) with respect and because of her continuing family tie cannot cut her off from her royal station, Feige realized Moshe would have no incentive to empower her.

Though she had tacit control over his gabbaim, they would likely be replaced almost immediately by any new leader. She also had the force of her personality and a long history with the Hasidim, particularly her high profile as a fundraiser for charities, and these might support her after her husband was gone. As hard as she could, Feige worked to build up credit and authority, using the nearly ten years of her husbands decline for the purpose. For a long time maintaining a close relationship with some of the most generous Satmar financial supporters, she disbursed funds, on one trip to Israel reputedly carrying three million dollars to distribute to charity. This was perhaps her strongest card, for it was critically important for the Hasidim, reminding them that she, no less than the rebbe, was the source of their sustenance (mzonei). She did favors, looked to make alliances and generally acted as a powerful stand-in for her ailing husband, even at times speaking from the lectern and delivering blessings from her husband. All this was freighted with symbolic meaning and was normally limited to a rebbe. With her stepdaughter, Roysaele, dead and the latters widowed husband out of the picture, Feige became a near rebbe. But of course, she could not lead a tish, nor could she give out her own blessings; and when all the other rebbes came together at public occasions, she could never be among them for women, even powerful ones like the rebbetzin, could not mix with the men in this highly gendered social order. (In March 1979, she remarkably appeared as the only woman at a gathering of Hasidic rabbis in FeltForum in Manhattan, seated behind her husband and listening to his nephew Moshe addressing the crowd.) Even if she could somehow find some modus vivendi that would allow her to make peace with Moshes taking over her husbands rebistve, she knew that Moshes oldest son, Aaron, his apparent heir, would take up all the available extra power and leave her with nothing. To Aaron, she was even a greater threat because he could leave her no space if he was to assure himself of a future.

Satmar page After a lifetime as a rebbetzin, Feige believed that because so many Hasidim had seen her late husband as a larger-than-life figure, almost messianic in character, they might be persuaded he was irreplaceable. She convinced herself they might be willing simply to have a rav, someone who would serve as an appointed rabbi but without all the mystical and intercessionary powers with heaven that a rebbe had. She hoped, as did some of the gabbaim with whom she was allied, that after his passing his gravesite and memory would serve as the spiritual base, almost like a kind of extension of the incapacitated rebbe. She even had a plan to bring other great rabbinic forebears and have them reburied in the new cemetery in Kiryas Joel where her husband would be interred, imagining a kind of holy place that would serve in place of a living rebbe and would leave her space to act as its living guiding spirit. As the appointed rabbi she would have a man who was respected as a legal authority but lacking charisma of his own. Because some of the older members of the community from Hungary had in their origins not been Hasidim recall that Satmar had been a mixed community, which had been one of the sources of resistance to Yoelishs appointment as its head she presumed that they might be satisfied with a respected rabbinic authority and with a rebistve left in a kind of suspended animation and in the care of herself, the dowager rebbetzin, and her retinue.

But the younger Hasidim, with no memories of Hungary, having lived in the atmosphere of absolute hands-on rule that marked their experience, wanted a full-fledged rebbe and not a powerful rebbetzin. A number of other Hasidim worried that if Moshe were not appointed as Satmar Rebbe he would simply continue in his role as Sigheter Rebbe and slowly attract more and more of the Satmar Hasidim, for whom a return to the Sigheter affiliation would simply be an acknowledgment of their own Hasidic history and roots. To avoid that real possibility, they moved to make Moshe the rebbe and crown him as the Satmar Rebbe.

Feige also had made enemies over the years who resented her power and who could not see a woman as the crown and scepter of their Hasidic glory. These enemies, many of whom were coalescing around Moshe and his heir apparent Aaron, reminded everyone that she had no heirs of her own. Of course, her gender made it clear that however powerful she was in these closing years of her husbands life, Feige would have to step aside if Satmar was to continue after Yoelish and to maintain its position as the largest and most powerful Hasidic group in America (or, as they claimed, in the world).

All this concern with continuity was of course not only about symbolic, charismatic, or spiritual leadership; it was also about economic power and resources. The growth of Satmar had led to a portfolio of shuls, yeshivas, no-interest-loan associations, meat markets and charities valued in millions of dollars, and in addition there was a social- service empire with access to millions of public dollars for health, welfare, food stamps and public housing. For all the putative poverty in Satmar, and there was lots of evidence of it, as a Hasidic group it was an economic powerhouse, and the rebbe stood at the apex of that power.

During the late summer of 1979, Yoelishs condition worsened. Present before his Hasidim in the synagogue in Kiryas Joel on what would be the final Sabbath of his life, he was watched intently. Later the Hasidim reflected on his every move and gesture as having been fraught with significance. Late on Saturday night, August 18, he developed fluid in his lungs and was rushed to Mount Sinai Hospital in New York, while his anxious followers frantically recited psalms for his recovery convinced now that he needed their entreaties if he were not to be called to the yeshiva on high.

Those on high and those on earth were said to be pursuing him; the cosmic battle was now in its most intense stage, as the Hasidim saw it. By the early morning, just before seven, his heart stopped. The New York Times reported that one hundred thousand people gathered for his funeral and created a monumental traffic jam on New York Route 17, the road leading to Kiryas Joel and the cemetery. In keeping with his aspirations to be more than simply the Satmar Rebbe, Yoelish was referred to in Der Yid, the semiofficial organ of the Satmar community, as the rabbi of all Israel or the Rabbi of all the Diaspora, and his death was described as having orphaned the entire Jewish people.

The fact that all this had occurred on the eve of the Hebrew month of Ellul, the start of the season of atonement and the so-called Days of Awe, infused the occasion with a kind of solemnity that only enhanced the sense of the significance of the events this was, after all, the time when Hasidim always sought to be close to their rebbe in the hopes that he would intercede on their behalf on high in order to assure the acceptance of their prayers for forgiveness of sins and blessings in the coming year. But now their rebbe would not be with them to open the gates of mercy.

Questions like What will be? What must we do? Where are we headed? filled the air. Obviously some leaders had made plans, but others were not enthusiastic about those plans. The moment of truth had arrived.

Moshe Teitelbaum And The Transition To Leadership

By 1979, Moshe Teitelbaum (19142006), the Sigheter Rebbe, had been for many years totally eclipsed by his Satmar uncle. Living in nearby Borough Park, he hardly focused all of his energies on his small court, instead spending much of his time running a number of small businesses, managing real estate, and overseeing the kosher certification of the Meal Mart food chain rather than being a full-time zaddik. But now Moshe was the likely successor to claim the leadership of Satmar. Some other names had been briefly floated in internal discussions, but none really were serious contenders. By blood, Moshe stood above the rest, part of the stock of Sighet Hasidic holy seed.

His Holocaust survival story was no less dramatic than his uncles, although far less contentious. Orphaned and shuttled between his maternal grandfather and his uncle, while his older brother took on the crown of Sighet, Moshe married at 21 to Leah, a cousin and daughter of the Karacscka Rebbe. He was appointed head of his father-in-laws yeshiva for the next five years until in 1941 he moved to Zenta, then in Hungary, to be designated rabbi. Within a few years, as the situation of Hungarian Jewry deteriorated, Moshes wife and their three small children were murdered in Auschwitz. At wars end, he was in Theresienstadt, recuperating from typhus. On April 9, 1945, still weak, and unlike his uncle, who had never gone back home, Moshe returned to Sighet to try to revive the rabbinical seat of his martyred older brother. In the summer of 1945, he remarried, this time to another cousin, Pessel Leah (19222010), daughter of Aaron Teitelbaum (18811944), the Nirbator Rav.

Under communism, any hopes he might have had for a revival in Sighet came to naught, and he made plans to reach America. Unable to exit through proper channels, Moshe paid $500, a fortune at the time, to be smuggled, with his wife, through the border blockades. In the fall of 1946, after a brief detour to Brazil, he arrived at 500 Bedford Avenue in Williamsburg, where he met his uncle, Yoelish, who had come from Palestine.

Jews from Sighet who reached Brooklyn before World War II established their own congregation at 152 Hewes Street in Williamsburg. Moshe was invited to serve as their rav and to live there. That synagogue served as the center of the resurgence of the transplanted community of Sighet on American soil. At first, Moshe seemed to develop his court more quickly than his uncle, who was still imagining himself returning to Jerusalem with funds from America. But quite soon after that idea died, the Satmar Rebbe outshone his nephew in attracting followers, as he had done in Europe before the war. In April 1965, Moshe relocated to Fifteenth Avenue and Fiftieth Street in Borough Park, hoping to emerge from the Satmar shadow and create some space for himself. A few years later he appointed his oldest son Aaron rav of the Sigheter congregation that he had left behind in Williamsburg.

Aaron, one of the six children Moshe had with his second wife, would, if his father became the new Satmar Rebbe, be his likely heir, presumably solving the looming concerns about the future of Satmar. That was not a happy possibility for those supporting Feige, and they looked to undermine him. At Aarons June 1966 wedding to Sasha, daughter of the Vizhnitzer Rebbe Moshe Hager of Israel, they made much of his ties with a man who seemed to have made his peace with the Zionists and whose daughter had attended the insufficiently Orthodox and anti-Zionist (by Satmar standards) Bais Yaakov schools, where instruction was in Hebrew rather than Yiddish. Indeed, Satmar Hasidim in Israel, many of whom considered Vizhnitzers as unredeemably Zionist, had been warned against attending the wedding, and few did so. Feige expressed concern about putting Aaron in line for the Satmar crown, arguing that anyone who married into such a Zionist family was not worthy of leading Satmar. Her motives may not have been purely ideological. Thirteen years later, when Moshe was emerging as the odds-on choice of successor to Yoelish, these arguments came up again.

On the last day of Yoelishs life, Moshe already identified in the Yiddish press as the probable candidate to take his uncles place was in Los Angeles. Learning of the rebbes death, he rushed back to New York immediately after Sabbaths end on the red-eye flight. Given the time difference and the nearly six-hour journey, Moshe arrived near the end of the nearly five-hour Sunday funeral that began in the afternoon. His keenly awaited entrance near 6:30 p.m. (just before the 7:49 sunset) was quite spectacular. After landing at Kennedy Airport, he boarded a waiting helicopter that flew him straight to Kiryas Joel and dramatically dropped down from the heavens. The symbolism was not lost on the assembled. Following his brief eulogy, the last from among a long line of prominent rabbis, before the mandatory burial by sunset, he would be the one to recite Kaddish for his uncle, a ritual normally performed by a surviving son.

Although she did not speak at the funeral women were never expected to do so the widowed rebbetzin found a way to be noticed. She was described in newspaper accounts as breaking out in heartrending tears for all to see and hear as she turned to the coffin and asked for forgiveness (as was customary) from her late husband and prayed that he would be an advocate on high for all of the Jewish people. But this tableau did not provide her with the same platform as Moshe. As for the late rebbes will, the press reported it would be read only after the monument over his grave was unveiled. In fact, no will was ever read.

By the following Sunday, a tombstone had been erected, providing yet another occasion for the Sigheter Rebbe, Moshe Teitelbaum, to offer tears and a eulogy. This time he spoke before the speeches of all the others. While one of the Yiddish papers still described him only as the one who could possibly be the replacement for the deceased (perhaps in deference to the resistance from Feiges supporters), it was obvious to all that he was the one.

At the same time, one newspaper account reported that the dowager rebbetzin, Feige, was not healthy, having suddenly become unwell, and that a big doctor from Mount Sinai Hospital was called. According to the report, she had recently suffered a light heart attack. Her doctor had advised that she cease her community activities and be put under a nurses care, and she was unable to see anyone during the coming weeks, even though during the preceding week of shivah for her husband she had rebbe-like received pidyonos that she brought to the rebbes grave, perhaps as the start of her desperate campaign to turn it into her vehicle for holding on to power. The announcement of her incapacitation, however, was an effective face-saving way to halt that plan. At the same time, it was reported that many of the older Hasidim the elite who would serve as a signal of where the allegiance of the court was headed already had handed kvittlach (petitions for blessing) to the Sigheter Rebbe, as a sign that they wanted him to take over.

In yet another signal of the transition to a new rebbe, Rabbi Yitzchak Yaakov Weiss, newly appointed av beit din of the Edah HaHaredis in Jerusalem, announced that if Moshe took over the rebistve he, Weiss, would give up his new position in favor of the Satmar leader. In fact, Weiss remained in his position, while Moshe, like Yoelish before him, would be named president, a largely symbolic role.

In spite of all this, a continuing dispute over succession lingered. Leaflets were distributed on which, under unflattering images of Moshe, were the words: Is this the man who is worthy of inheriting the place of our holy rebbe? At the all-important third meal of the Sabbath, one of the late rebbes gabbaim, Azriel Glick, rather than Moshe recited a prayer normally recited by the Satmar Rebbe. Later Glick and the other gabbai, Yosef Ashkenazi, and Sender Deutsch, publisher of the Yiddish paper Der Yid, would negotiate with Moshe over the rebistve.

Moshe appeared to some Hasidim painfully inferior to his uncle. Even as the inevitability of his succession gathered strength, these people continued to paint him as unworthy, supporting Feiges idea to have the rabbis and dayanim run the day-to-day affairs and religious matters, while she would be the paramount leader. This plan would distribute greater power to the religious virtuosi and would turn the paramount leader into a symbol who reigned but did not rule.

In the midst of all this, a letter purporting to be from Yoelish surfaced. It claimed that Shulem Halpert, one of the young gabbaim who had served him, should be his replacement. The idea that their late rebbe would have wanted as his successor a man with neither family ties to Hasidic royalty (yichus) nor acknowledged Torah scholarship shocked thousands of Hasidim. Turning to the dayanim, whose judgments they respected, they quickly received a verdict. Yecheskel Roth, a respected dayan in the Borough Park Satmar Bes Medrash, called the letter a forgery, and the succession moved forward to the less charismatic but inevitable nephew, Moshe Teitelbaum. By September 14, 1979, reports in the paper made it official: The Sigheter Rav is the new rav of the Satmar community. A front-page story in Der Yid identified him as the famous genius rabbi and zaddik Moshe Teitelbaum. He was made guardian of Satmar assets and rabbi of Yetev Lev, the formal name of the Satmar congregation. The appointment had been made at a meeting of the administration and officers of the community, the elite Hasidim. Seven of the most prominent leaders had come to his residence to inform him of his selection. Even though he would immediately take over administrative and leadership decisions, he would formally be crowned only at the conclusion of the year of mourning. Moshe deferred all expressions of Mazel tov until then.

That same day Feige was taken to the hospital where she was placed in intensive care. Some people no doubt among her supporters had urged a postponement of the decision and meeting to appoint Moshe because of her condition, as if to suggest that his ascension to the throne could cost the rebbetzin her life. But in a news report four days later, Feige was quoted as saying that the meeting should go ahead. Her challenge was essentially over.

A limited number of diehard opponents broke from the main branch of Satmar and came to be known as the Bnai Yoel (sons of Yoel). Others deri sively called these people the rebbetzins Hasidim (since she helped economically support many of them) or the misnagdim (opponents), a term with a double meaning, since it not only referred to their opposition to Moshes selection purely by blood but had been used in the early years to refer to opponents of Hasidism in general. These opponents echoed what Yoelish had written: The ways of the Baal Shem Tov have been forgotten. By that they believed he meant that just because someone had royal blood he should not automatically succeed to the crown. Those mystical notions of holy seed should not the governing principles any longer. What mattered more, as the Bnai Yoel and their sympathizers understood it, was ones zeal for continuing Yoelishs ways, and Moshe did not have it.

But although they built their own schools and institutions, the Bnai Yoel led by Yossel Waldman remained a small minority. However much a giant Yoelish may have been in the eyes of his Hasidim, his declining years had been troublesome and anxious for most. The shift from a debilitated rebbe and a court run by a rebbetzin to one taken over by a younger, albeit less charismatic relative, the Beirach Moshe, as he was called, after the commentary he had written, promised a new energy in the court if only those who still opposed the succession could be controlled. Hoping this would happen within less than a months time, the leadership planned for their new rebbes appearance in the main synagogue in Williamsburg at the start of the slichot prayers for forgiveness that would begin in the week leading up to Rosh Hashanah.

The new leader continued to defer all wishes of Mazel tov to his ascension and even frustrated the hopes of about a hundred Hasidim who had come to his synagogue in Borough Park expecting a chance to toast a lchaim to the new chief. Instead, he told stories about his predecessor and about their mutual forebears, tales that would remind his listeners of his family heritage and credentials as a worthy successor. As Moshe lingered in the shadow of the man who had preceded him, his strategy of reminding them that he too was scion of the royal family was his strongest way to stake his claim for legitimacy. Showing a reluctance to accept Mazel tovs demonstrated humility.

Samuel Heilman won a National Jewish Book Award in 2004 for his book When A Jew Dies. He is a professor of sociology at Queens College of the City University of New York.

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How A Satmar Dynasty Handled a Crisis Of Succession - Forward

Prime Minister Trudeau misleads on Zionism | rabble.ca – rabble.ca (blog)

Posted By on May 30, 2017

Our Prime Minister would like us to believe that the ideology that shaped Israel is designed to fight anti-Jewish prejudice. But,even when anti-Semitism was a significant political force in Canada,Zionism largelyrepresented a chauvinistic, colonialist way of thinking.

On Israel Independence Day earlier this month Justin Trudeau delivered a speech by video to a rally in Montral and published astatementmarking the occasion. "Today, while we celebrate Israel's independence, we also reaffirm our commitment to fight anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism," declared the PM in a rare reference by a top politician to Israel's state ideology.

Israel apologists often link anti-Zionism and anti-Jewishness, but it's disingenuous. Canadian Zionism has long been comfortable with anti-Jewish sentiment and it has never been primarily an anti-prejudicial ideology.

When anti-Semitism was a social force of consequence in Canada it was not uncommon for anti-Jewish politicians toback Zionism.During a July 1922 speech to the Zionist Federation of Canada, anti-Semitic Prime Minister Mackenzie King "was effusive with praise for Zionism,"explains David Bercuson inCanada and the Birth of Israel. King told participants their aspirations were "in consonance"with the greatest ideals of the "Englishman."According to Zachariah Kay inCanada and Palestine: The Politics of Non-Commitment, long-time Alberta Premier E.C. Manning "allowed his name to be associated with the [prestate Zionist organization] Canadian Palestine Committee, but was known for anti-Jewish statements on his 'back to the bible'Sunday radio broadcasts."

Known to support Zionism as a way to deal with the "Jewish problem,"in 1934 Prime Minister R.B. Bennettopenedthe annual United Palestine Appeal fundraiser with a coast-to-coast radio broadcast. Laudingthe Balfour declaration and British conquest of Palestine, Bennett said, "scriptural prophecy is being fulfilled. The restoration of Zion has begun."

At a policy level the government's aversion to accepting post-World War II Jewish refugees was a factor in Canadian diplomats promoting the anti-Palestinian UN partition plan. Anardent proponentof the Zionist cause during the 1947 international negotiations dealing with the British mandate of Palestine, Canadian diplomat Lester Pearson believed sending Jewish refugees to Palestine was the only sensible solution to their plight.

Compared to six decades ago, anti-Semitism today barely registers in Canada. But, embers of anti-Jewish Zionism linger.Over the past decadethe Charles-McVety-ledCanada Christian College has repeatedly organized pro-Israel events --often with Bnai Brith --yet in the 1990s the College was in a dispute with the Canadian Jewish Congress over courses designed to convert Jews.Canada's most influential Christian Zionist activist, McVety also heads the Canadian branch of Christians United for Israel, whichbelieves Jewsneed to convert or burn in Hell upon the Second Coming of Jesus Christ.

This dancing with the enemy is nothing new. Historically some Jews aligned with anti-Jewish Zionists. During World War I many Canadian Jewish Zionists enthusiastically supported Britain and recruited young men to help conquer Palestine, even though London was allied with Russia's notoriously anti-Semitic czar. (At that time Zionism was commonly promoted as a way for Jews to escape czarist anti-Semitism.)

After World War II some Jewish Zionists tapped into anti-Jewish sentiment to advance their cause. InCanada's Jews: a People's journeyGerald Tulchinsky reports, "fully cognizant of the government's reluctance to admit Jews to Canada, the [Zionist] delegation reminded [anti- Semitic Prime Minister Mackenzie] King that in the post war years, when 'multitudes of uprooted people...would be knocking on the doors of all countries,'Palestine could accommodate many of the Jews who might want to come to Canada."

It is true that the Zionist colonies in Palestine absorbed tens of thousands of refugees after World War II and provided a safe haven to many Jews escaping Nazi persecution in the 1930s. But, its also true that Zionists were willing to stoke anti-Semitism and kill Jews if it served their nationalistic/colonialist purposes.To foil British efforts to relocate Jewish refugees fleeingEurope to Mauritius, in 1940 the Jewish Agency, the Zionist government-in-waiting in Palestine, killed 267 mostly Jews bybombingthe ship Patria.InState of Terror: How Terrorism Created Modern IsraelTom Suarez concludes that the Zionist leadership was prepared to kill Jews if it aidedthe cause, because "persecuted Jews served the political project, not the other way around."

Generally presented as a response to late 1800s European anti-Semitism --"Zionism...developed in the late 19th century in response to European antisemitism," according to a recent story on the pro-Palestinian website Canada Talks Israel Palestine --the Theodore Herzl led Zionist movement was in fact spurred by the Christian, nationalist and imperialist ideologies sweeping Europe at the time.

After two millennia in which Jewish restoration was viewed as a spiritual event to be brought about through divine intervention, Zionism finally took root among some Jews after two centuries of activeProtestant Zionism. "Christian proto-Zionists [existed] in England 300 years before modern Jewish Zionism emerged,"notesEvangelics and Israel: The Story of American Christian Zionism. Until the mid-1800s Zionism was an almost entirely non-Jewish movement. And yet it was quite active. Between 1796 and 1800, notesNon-Jewish Zionism: its roots in Western history, there were at least 50 books published in Europe about the Jews'return to Palestine. The movement reflected the more literal readings of the Bible that flowed out of the Protestant Reformation.

Another factor driving Jewish Zionism was thenationalism sweepingEurope in the late 1800s. Germany, Italy and a number of eastern European states were all established during this period.

Alongside nationalist and biblical literalist influences, Zionism took root at the height of European imperialism. In the lead-up to World War I the European "scramble" carved up Africa and then the Middle East. (Europeanscontrolled about 10per cent of Africa in 1870 but by 1914 only Ethiopia was independent of European control. Liberia was effectively a U.S. colony.) At the Sixth Zionist Congress in 1903, Herzl andtwo-thirds of delegatesvoted to pursue British Secretary of State for the Colonies Joseph Chamberlain's proposal to allocate 13,000 square km in East Africa as "Jewish territory...on conditions which will enable members to observe their national customs."

As much as it was a reaction to anti-Semitism, Zionism was an attempt by European Jews to benefit from and participate in colonialism.

In Canada today, Jewish support for Zionism has little to do with combating prejudice. If Zionism were simply a response to anti-Semitism why hasn't the massive decline of anti-Jewishness lessened its popularity in the Jewish community? Instead, the leadership anda significant segment of Canadian Jewryhave become increasingly focused onsupporting a highly militarized state that continues to deny its indigenous population the most basic political rights.

In 2011 the leading donors in the communityscrappedthe 100-year-old Canadian Jewish Congress and replaced it with the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs. As the name change suggests, this move represented a shift away from local Jewish concerns and towards ever greater lobbying in favour of Israeli policy.

With institutional barriers to advancement overcome a half century ago, and an ever more secular society, Rabbis and Jewish organizations have to find a purpose. Israel has become many peoples primary connection to Judaism. InUnderstanding the Zionist Religion, Jonathan Kay wrote, "in some casesI have observed, it is not an exaggeration to say that Zionism is not just the dominant factor in Jews'political lives -- but also in theirspirituallives."

Between the late 1960s and mid-2000s there was aninverse correlationbetween Jewish votes and pro-Israel governments. Though they were less pro-Israel, Pierre Trudeau and Jean Chretien gained more support from Canadian Jewry than Brian Mulroney or Stephen Harper in his first victory in 2006.

The political trajectory of the Montral riding of Mount Royal provides an interesting insight into the Jewish community's shift towards focusing on Israel. Repeatedly re-elected in a riding that was then 50 per centJewish, Pierre Trudeau distanced Ottawa from Israeli conduct more than any other prime minister before or since. Still, Pierre Trudeau was incredibly popular with the Jewish community. Representing Jewry's ascension to the heights of Canada's power structures, Trudeau appointed the first Jew to the federal cabinet, Herb Gray, and brought in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which strengthened religious freedoms. But, of recent the riding has become a battleground.

During the 2015 federal election Mount Royal was the only riding in greater Montral the Conservative Party seriously contested. Even though Liberal party candidate Anthony Housefather is a staunch Israel advocate, he won his seat because of non-Jewish voters.

A similar dynamic is at play in the centre of Canadian Jewish life.Possibly the best placed of any in the world, the Toronto Jewish community faces little economic or political discrimination and has above average levels of education and income. Yet, it's the North American base of the Zionist extremistJewish Defense League. It's also a power base for an explicitly racist, colonialist, institution. In what was "reportedto be the largest kosher dinner in Canadian history," three years ago 4,000 individuals packed the Toronto Convention Centre to raise money for the Jewish National Fund in honour of Prime Minister Stephen Harper.

No matter what Justin Trudeau says, Zionism and anti-Jewish prejudice have little to do with each other.

Image:Photo: Adam Scotti/PMO

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Monroe Town Board’s options: Buy or lease synagogue – Times Herald-Record

Posted By on May 30, 2017

Chris McKenna Times Herald-Record @ChrisMcKenna845

MONROE The Monroe Town Board may decide next month whether to buy the synagogue that has housed municipal offices for the last 18 months or else continue using leasing space at Congregation Eitz Chaim.

The lease-purchase agreement negotiated in 2015 indicates the 20,000-square-foot building would cost $2.8 million minus the $108,000 annual rent the town has paid, or about $2.6 million by the time the two-year lease expires on Nov. 30.

Town Councilman Tony Cardone said Tuesday that he expects the board to vote on a purchase or lease extension either on June 5 or June 19, once it has gotten a report from an engineer who'sinspecting the property for any outstanding issues. The congregation, which continues to use the sanctuary and rest of the upper floor for services and Hebrew school classes, had asked the board to decide by this Thursday so it can make the necessary arrangements with its lenders.

The town had moved employees into 10,200 square feet on the bottom floor of Eitz Chaim in 2015, after housing them for a year on the lower level of the town Senior Center. Those departments previously were located in Town Hall, a 2,100-square-foot building on Stage Road that the town closed in 2014 because of mold.

Town Supervisor Harley Doles argued Tuesday that the board must factor in the potential loss of Kiryas Joel's tax revenue before deciding if the town can afford to buy Eitz Chaim while also paying off the bonds for a $4 million Harriman fire station. Doles said Monroe could lose as much as 35 percent of its annual tax revenue if Kiryas Joel splits off to form its own town - a proposal that is now pending before the Orange County Legislature.

Cardone said in response that the decision over municipal space is separate from the proposed town division, even though both issues will affect town taxes. "We need a home," he said. "Right now, we're spending $100,000 to rent something."

The board ultimately must make decisions about Eitz Chaim and the fate of three town-owned buildings. The town's court is still housed in the DeAngelis building on Lake Street, and it could remain there or else be moved to Eitz Chaim or a cleaned-up Town Hall. The board is also exploring whether to sell or lease the multiplex on Millpond Parkway that the town bought in 2012 and began operating again as a movie theater - at a loss - in 2015.

cmckenna@th-record.com

Originally posted here:

Monroe Town Board's options: Buy or lease synagogue - Times Herald-Record

More synagogues are getting rid of their mandatory dues – Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Posted By on May 30, 2017

A view of the KAM Isaiah Israel Synagogue in 2013. (Raymond Boyd/Getty Images)

NEW YORK (JTA) Voluntary dues may sound like an oxymoron, but the idea may soon be coming to a synagogue near you.

According to a new study by the UJA-Federation of New York, the number of non-Orthodox synagogues nationwide that have eliminated fixed annual dues has more than doubled in the past two years. Instead of charging a set membership fee, these synagogues are telling congregants to pay what they want and theyre succeeding.

The nearly 60 Conservative, Reform and Reconstructionist synagogues that have stopped charging mandatory dues are just a minuscule percentage of the countrys 1,500or so Conservative and Reform synagogues. But the number is more than twice the 26 synagogues that had voluntary dues as of 2015. On average, the synagogues reported increases in both membership and total revenue since they switched to the voluntary model. They join nearly 1,000 Chabad centers in North America that have always worked on the voluntary model.

According to the report, the synagogues adopted the new model due to a mix of financial and values-based reasons. Synagogue members appeared increasingly reticent to pay mandatory dues following the 2008 financial crisis, and a pay-what-you-can system was more appealing to families with less spare cash.

In addition, the report said mandatory dues may have alienated families who want to feel unconditionally welcomed at synagogue or who may have felt uncomfortable explaining to a board why they couldnt pay the full fee. Engaging members with voluntary dues has caused synagogues to build relationships with congregants so they feel invested in the synagogue, as opposed to feeling obligated to pay an annual bill. The model, according to the report, also drives synagogues to increase financial transparency, so members know what theyre paying for.

The existing model is no longer really aligning with the values and culture of the synagogue, said Adina Frydman, executive director of Synergy, a division of the New York federation that advises synagogues on strategy and produced the report. The process of asking for a [dues] adjustment becomes all about the money, as opposed toyou are a member of this congregation and community.

Of the 57 synagogues included in the report, more than half are Reform, while about a third are Conservative. The remainder are either Reconstructionist or unaffiliated. None are Orthodox. Most have between 100 and 500 member units families or individuals who belong.

While the synagogues dont charge a fixed fee, many do indicate a sustaining level donation the average amount the synagogue needs from each member unit to reach its goal. On average, the synagogues reported increases of 3.6 percent in total membership and 1.8 percent in dues. What that means is that more total money is coming in from more people but the average annual membership contribution has fallen.

At the Conservative Temple Israel of Sharon, Massachusetts, in suburban Boston, which adopted the voluntary model in 2008 due to the recession, revenue and membership have remained steady. But only about 45 percent of members pay dues at or above the sustaining level a bit above the average of 38 percent across the 57 synagogues.

The original goals of switching to this system, creating a model that was financially welcoming and sustainable for both the synagogue and our membership, continue to be met, Benjamin Maron, Temple Israels executive director, wrote in one of the reports case studies. In other ways, however, challenges have grown over the last few years. While our membership has grown, the overall income from our voluntary dues has not.

The 57 synagogues are still less than 5 percent of the countrys Conservative and Reform synagogues, but Frydman believes the number will continue to grow. About 100 synagogues tuned in via livestream to a recent conference on the report.

Studies suggest that millennials are less inclined to become members of old institutions. Jack Wertheimer, a history professor at the Jewish Theological Seminary, said that free Jewish programs like Birthright the 10-day trip to Israel for young adults get young Jews used to the idea of no- and low-cost Jewish services.

Were living in a time when some Jews dont want to pay anything to go to synagogue and benefit from synagogue, Wertheimer said. Were living in a time today when institutions are held suspect and also seen as rather cold and distant. This whole idea of membership dues reinforces that point.

Why arent Orthodox synagogues adopting the model?

Both Wertheimer and Frydman suggested that because Orthodox Jews view prayer as mandatory, the obligation carries over to synagogue membership. Even so, Frydmans office is embarking on a study of young Orthodox Jewish professionals on Manhattans Upper West Side, who often bounce between a few synagogues rather than sticking to one and becoming a member of it.

One large Orthodox organization that doesnt charge dues, however, is Chabad, whose centers worldwide rely entirely on voluntary donations. While that means that the emissaries who run the Hasidic movements outreach efforts spend a significant amount of time fundraising, Chabad spokesman Rabbi Motti Seligson said it also removes a barrier to participation in Jewish life and forces Chabad centers to run programs people want.

This isnt a technique or a model thats devised through a focus group, Seligson said. This is about whats at the [movements] core, which is love of Israel.

Chabad emissary couples, he added, are not living in an ivory tower. Theyre beholden to the community that theyre serving. They need to actually be serving the community.

While Frydman emphasized that UJA-Federation does not endorse any one dues model, she said that the voluntary model is appealing to some synagogues because it ensures that the synagogue has an active relationship with its congregants.

Theyre cultivating the relationship so that people feel a connection, enough to want to be a part of something bigger, she said. Its about that the synagogue should take the time to ensure that they know all the members, that they understand what people are looking for.

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More synagogues are getting rid of their mandatory dues - Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Golders Green United Synagogue welcomes Israeli ambassador – Jewish Chronicle

Posted By on May 30, 2017


Jewish Chronicle
Golders Green United Synagogue welcomes Israeli ambassador
Jewish Chronicle
Golders Green United Synagogue had a special guest at their Yom Yerushalayim event on Sunday night, which marked the 50th anniversary of the reunification of Jerusalem. Mark Regev, the Israeli ambassador to the UK, spoke to an audience of around 100 ...

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Golders Green United Synagogue welcomes Israeli ambassador - Jewish Chronicle

Sephardi chief rabbi tells religious soldiers how to protest women singers – Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Posted By on May 30, 2017

Chief Sephardic Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef attending a conference in the city of Beit Shemesh, Israel, Jan. 13, 2016. (Yaakov Lederman/Flash90)

JERUSALEM (JTA) The Sephardichief rabbi of Israel appeared in a public sermon to compare women who wear immodest clothing to animals.

Rabbi Yizhak Yosef also counseled religious soldiers on how to protest required attendance at Israel Defense Forces ceremonies that feature female singers in the Saturday night speech first reported Sunday by the Hebrew-language haredi Orthodox news website Kikar Shabbat.

If secular people knew how much we respected women, and all that we do to preserve womens dignity: A woman is not an animal, you have to respect her honor. Dressing modestly is that honor, Yosef said, according to Kikar Shabbat.

Yosef said that when he attended a state ceremony that included women singers, he removed his glasses so as not to see the women and then buried his nose in a small book he carried with him to show to those around him, including the prime minister and the president, that he was not listening.

Thats what the soldiers should do. If the soldiers are somewhere that they are ordered to hear a womans voice and what kind of strange order is that anyway? he said Take off their glasses, put a book in front of their eyes, and show conspicuously that were not listening, that our mind is on Torah.

Religious men are not permitted to hear the singing voice of a woman. It is an issue that has dogged the IDF and its relationship with its religious soldiers, who have been required to attend ceremonies that feature female singers.

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Sephardi chief rabbi tells religious soldiers how to protest women singers - Jewish Telegraphic Agency

PayPal probes neo-Nazi account supportive of Holocaust denier, Hezbollah – The Jerusalem Post

Posted By on May 30, 2017


The Jerusalem Post
PayPal probes neo-Nazi account supportive of Holocaust denier, Hezbollah
The Jerusalem Post
The Third Way has also come out in support of convicted Holocaust denier Horst Mahler. Mahler served multiple sentences in Germany for Holocaust denial and other Nazi-related activities. After being released from a 10-year sentence in 2015 owing to ill ...

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PayPal probes neo-Nazi account supportive of Holocaust denier, Hezbollah - The Jerusalem Post


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