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Author Helen Maryles Shankman on how to observe Jewish American Heritage Month – amNY

Posted By on May 24, 2017

Helen Maryles Shankman knows plenty about Jewish history.

The author of They Were Like Family to Me, a finalist for the 2016/17 Story Prize, given for outstanding short fiction, Shankman is a daughter of Holocaust survivors. She grew up listening to friends of her family speaking in Yiddish about their experience as partisans.

Listening to their accounts, Shankman realized the Holocaust wasnt a straightforward victim story: There were Jews who resisted, fought, finagled and struggled to survive against overwhelming odds, such as those who broke out of the Sobibr death camp. The author wove their real and imagined experiences into They Were Like Family To Me, a devastating, haunting and luminously beautiful collection of interconnected short stories about Jewish residents of a Polish village under German occupation.

In honor of Jewish American Heritage Month, held in May, amNewYork spoke with Shankman, who lives in Teaneck, New Jersey, about how to mark the month from a literary perspective.

How is Jewish American Heritage Month best observed?

Everyone should read The Amazing Adventures of Kavalier & Clay by Michael Chabon. Its the ultimate Jewish-American book. It would be really nice if the schools observed the month by studying various Jewish-American writers and historical figures, such as Emma Lazarus [author of The New Colossus, which is engraved on the pedestal tablet of the Statue of Liberty]. There are so many unknown people from the labor and civil rights movements.

Why are there so many fabulous Jewish writers?

Were brought up from the very beginning learning the Torah and prayers. ... Words and reading are pivotal. When you get older, you learn the dialectics and arguments that dont even have anything to do with modern life. Students will learn the best way to remove milk from a cows udder after its been butchered so you can eat it [and observe the laws of kashrut]. Its really social anthropology..

Women are underrepresented in Best Jewish Writers lists. Why is that?

There is a double standard. I have three sons and they are not interested in reading anything that has a woman as a main character. I also have a theory: A lot of women write historical fiction, and historical fiction isnt considered intellectual. But [all writers are] trying to figure out the meaning of life, why the world is stomping on them, why bad things happen to good people. We just use different vocabularies.

Your own book reveals the amazing ingenuity Jews used to survive.

I love that it is part of our legacy. As a kid, the most severe and well-known Holocaust experience was Auschwitz. Hiding and fighting was just as important, but it almost didnt count. There are so many forms resistance can take!

What must we resist now?

Im modern Orthodox and every week I light candles and pray that God gives wisdom to our leaders. It feels like hate is surging through the world right now. The threat of tribalism, circling the wagons, refusing to talk to each other and believing our way is the best way thats the enemy for us.

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Author Helen Maryles Shankman on how to observe Jewish American Heritage Month - amNY

Charity Report – Anti-Defamation League – give.org

Posted By on May 24, 2017

Anti-Defamation League does not meet the following 5 Standards for Charity Accountability:

Standard 3 - Frequency and Attendance of Board Meetings An organization shall have a minimum of three evenly spaced meetings per year of the full governing body with a majority in attendance, with face-to-face participation. A conference call of the full board can substitute for one of the three meetings of the governing body. For all meetings, alternative modes of participation are acceptable for those with physical disabilities.

ADL does not meet this Standard because:

Standard 6 - Board Policy on Effectiveness Have a board policy of assessing, no less than every two years, the organization's performance and effectiveness and of determining future actions required to achieve its mission.

ADL does not meet this Standard because:

Standard 7 - Board Approval of Written Report on Effectiveness Submit to the organization's governing body, for its approval, a written report that outlines the results of the aforementioned performance and effectiveness assessment and recommendations for future actions.

ADL does not meet this Standard because:

Standard 11 - Financial Statements Make available to all, on request, complete annual financial statements prepared in accordance with generally accepted accounting principles. When total annual gross income exceeds $500,000, these statements should be audited in accordance with generally accepted auditing standards. For charities whose annual gross income is less than $500,000, a review by a certified public accountant is sufficient to meet this standard. For charities whose annual gross income is less than $250,000, an internally produced, complete financial statement is sufficient to meet this standard.

ADL does not meet this Standard because:

Standard 13 - Accuracy of Expenses in Financial Statements Accurately report the charity's expenses, including any joint cost allocations, in its financial statements. For example, audited or unaudited statements which inaccurately claim zero fund raising expenses or otherwise understate the amount a charity spends on fund raising, and/or overstate the amount it spends on programs will not meet this standard.

ADL does not meet this Standard because:

In addition, the BBB Wise Giving Alliance requested but did not receive complete information on the organizations solicitation materials and is unable to verify the organization's compliance with the following Standard for Charity Accountability: 15.

Anti-Defamation League meets the remaining 14 Standards for Charity Accountability.

Year, State Incorporated

1913, New York

Affiliates

ADL Foundation ADL Foundation Common Fund

Stated Purpose

"to defend democratic ideals and eliminate anti-Semitism and bigotry in the United States and around the world, while providing knowledgeable leadership on a national level for the American Jewish community."

ADL strives to increase communication, understanding and respect among diverse groups, carrying out its mission through a network of regional and satellite offices in the United States and abroad. ADL fights anti-Semitism and different forms of bigotry in the U.S. and abroad through information, education, legislation, and advocacy. The organization also serves as a resource for government, media, law enforcement, educators, and the public. It scrutinizes and exposes extremists and hate groups as well as provides expertise on domestic and international terrorism. Through its international affairs and interfaith programs, ADL maintains contacts on different continents from which information is gathered relating to political and social movements which impact anti-Semitism and bigotry. Some ($1,199,278 or 3%) of ADL's program activities are conducted in conjunction with fund raising appeals.

For the year ended December 31, 2014, ADL's program expenses were:

Chief Executive

Jonathan Greenblatt, National Director

Compensation*

Chair of the Board

Barry Curtiss-Lusher

Chair's Profession / Business Affiliation

Attorney

Board Size

346

Paid Staff Size

425

Method(s) Used:

Direct mail, telemarketing, special events, print advertisements, television, radio, grant proposals, Internet appeals, planned giving, cause-related marketing and face-to-face meetings.

ADL incurred joint costs of $1,800,535 for informational materials and activities that included fund raising materials. Of those costs $1,199,278 was allocated to program expenses, $405,051 was allocated to fund raising expenses, and $196,206 was allocated to administrative expenses.

Fundraising costs were 18% of related contributions. (Related contributions, which totaled $49,058,305, are donations received as a result of fundraising activities.)

This organization is tax-exempt under section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code. It is eligible to receive contributions deductible as charitable donations for federal income tax purposes.

The following information is based on ADL's audited financial statements -consolidated- for the year ended December 31, 2014.

Note: In the above financial section, "other changes in net assets" represents pension charges other than net periodic benefit cost and the change in value of charitable trust and annuity agreements.

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Charity Report - Anti-Defamation League - give.org

Anti Defamation League calls right-wing terrorism ‘a real threat’ – NJ TODAY

Posted By on May 24, 2017

A Dark and Constant Rage: 25 Years of Right-Wing Terrorism in the United States is a comprehensive new report from the Anti-Defamation League,an international Jewish non-governmental organization that combats hate crimes.

In March 2017, a white supremacist from Maryland, James Harris Jackson, traveled to New York City with the alleged intention of launching a series of violent attacks on black men to discourage white women from having relationships with black men. After several days, Jackson chose his first victim, a 66-year old black homeless man, Timothy Caughman. Jackson later allegedly admitted that he had stabbed Caughman with a small sword he had brought with him, describing the murder as a practice run.

However, after the killing, Jacksons angry energy dissipated and he turned himself over to the authorities. A week later, New York prosecutors announced that they were charging him with second-degree murder as a hate crime and also with a state charge of terrorism.

Jacksons aborted killing spree was a shocking example of right-wing terror in the United States but it was unfortunately far from an isolated example.

For over a century and a half, since burning Kansas of the 1850s and the Ku Klux Klan of the 1860s, right-wing terrorism has been an unwelcome feature of the American landscape. Yet today, many people are barely aware that it exists and most people dont recognize its frequency or scope.

Far more attention in recent years has been given to the threat of homegrown radical Islamic terrora danger that has generated such horrific acts as the Orlando and San Bernardino shooting sprees. Yet the very real specter of radical Islamic terror in the United States has existed alongside an equally serious threat of terror from right-wing extremist groups and individuals.

Both movements have generated shooting sprees, bombings, and a wide variety of plots and conspiracies. Both pose threats so significant that to ignore either would be to invite tragedy.

To illustrate the threat of right-wing terrorism in the United States, the Anti-Defamation Leagues Center on Extremism has compiled a list of 150 right-wing terrorist acts, attempted acts, plots and conspiracies from the past 25 years (1993-2017). These include terrorist incidents from a wide variety of white supremacists, from neo-Nazis to Klansmen to racist skinheads, as well as incidents connected to anti-government extremists such as militia groups, sovereign citizens and tax protesters. The list also includes incidents of anti-abortion terror as well as from other, smaller right-wing extremist movements.

ADLs Center on Extremism defines terrorism as a pre-planned act or attempted act of significant violence by one or more non-state actors in order to further an ideological, social or religious cause, or to harm perceived opponents of such causes. Significant violent acts can include bombings or use of other weapons of mass destruction, assassinations and targeted killings, shooting sprees, arsons and firebombings, kidnappings and hostage situations and, in some cases, armed robberies. Domestic terrorism consists of acts or attempted acts of terrorism in which the perpetrators are citizens or permanent residents of the country in which the act takes place.

The right-wing terrorist incidents in ADLs list include those that best fit the above criteria. They are drawn from the much larger pool of violent and criminal acts that American right-wing extremists engage in every year, from hate crimes to deadly encounters with law enforcement. Right-wing extremists annually murder a number of Americans, but only some of those murders occur in connection with terrorist acts. There are, after all, hundreds of thousands of adherents of right-wing extremist movements in the United States and all such movements have some degree of association with criminal activity. No one should think, therefore, that the incidents listed here represent the breadth of right-wing violence in the U.S. But, as acts of terrorism, they do show right-wing movements at their most vicious and ambitious.

The people who committed or attempted the terrorist acts listed here came from a variety of right-wing extremist movements. In a few cases, extremists connected to terror incidents here even adhered to more than one right-wing extremist movement; in such cases, the seemingly dominant ideology was selected for statistical purposes. Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh, for example, was primarily an anti-government extremist but also had white supremacist leanings. Richard Poplawski, who gunned down three police officers in Pittsburgh, was a white supremacist who also had leanings towards the anti-government movement.

Most right-wing extremists in the United States fall into one of two broad umbrella movements or spheres: white supremacists and anti-government extremists. An overwhelming majority of the terror incidents listed here (85%) were committed by adherents of one of these two spheres. Moreover, the number of acts attributed to each sphere is almost identical: 64 terror incidents are related to white supremacists, while 63 are related to anti-government extremists. Many people, when picturing right-wing terrorism, tend to think of white supremacists, but anti-government extremists such as militia groups and sovereign citizens pose just as much of a threat.

White supremacists involved in right-wing terror incidents include adherents of every major segment of the white supremacist movement, including neo-Nazis, racist skinheads, traditional white supremacists (such as Ku Klux Klan groups), white supremacist prison gangs, the religious sect Christian Identity, and the Alt Right. Leaving aside dual-movement extremists such as Timothy McVeigh, the worst white supremacist terrorist was Dylann Roof, a traditional white supremacist who embarked upon a deadly shooting spree at the Emanuel AME church in Charleston, South Carolina, in 2015, killing nine.

The anti-government extremists, who are often collectively termed the Patriot movement, consist primarily of adherents of the tax protest movement, the sovereign citizen movement, and the militia movement (with the latter including Oath Keepers and Three Percenters). Though the Patriot movement goes back to the mid-1960s, it was in the mid-1990s that it really came into its own in terms of becoming a major domestic terrorist threat, one that equaled the threat posed by white supremacists. Oklahoma City bombers Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols were dedicated adherents of the Patriot movement and their 1995 attack on the Murrah Federal Building gave notice that anti-government extremists now posed a major threat.

It is common for the media and others to assume that anti-government extremists are also mostly white supremacists, but this is not the case. Though there is some overlap between the two spheres, the main anti-government extremist movements direct their anger at the government and there have always been people of color in these movements.

Indeed, the sovereign citizen movement in particular has unfortunately seen particularly strong growth within the African-American community in recent years. Two of the sovereign-citizen related incidents on this list, the LaPlace, Louisiana, shootings in 2012 and the Columbus, Ohio, bomb-making attempt in 2016, involved African-Americans. Two incidents not included on this list involved extremists who were primarily black nationalists but who had secondary sovereign citizen affiliations: the 2014 plot by two men to blow up the Gateway Arch and kill law enforcement officials in St. Louis, Missouri, and the 2016 deadly ambush killings of three police officers in Baton Rouge, Louisiana.

The militia movement has spent much of its history trying to distance itself from accusations of racism or white supremacy but in recent years much of the movement has willingly embraced a particular type of bigotry: anti-Muslim hatred. This Islamophobia has taken numerous forms, from armed protests in front of mosques to a major terrorist plot in October 2016 in Garden City, Kansas, where three militia members were arrested in connection with an alleged plot to blow up an apartment complex that primarily housed Muslim Somali-American residents. The militia movement could produce more such terror attempts aimed at Muslims in the future.

Anti-abortion extremists are responsible for 11% of the terror incidents collected here. Compared to the incidents connected to white supremacists or anti-government extremists, the number of abortion related terror attacks and attempts is low. However, given the small number of anti-abortion extremists relative to adherents of the other, much larger movements, the consistent stream of terror incidents that flow from this movement is worrisome.

Anti-abortion extremists are an example of what is called single-issue extremism. Single-issue extremists are typically the extreme wing of a broader, more mainstream movement dedicated to a single cause or issue. While most people in those movements would not think of committing acts of violence, adherents of the extreme wing of those movements are more likely to consider violent activity, operating under a sense of extreme urgency and with a conviction that the ends justify the means. A few other right-wing single issue extremists, such as anti-Muslim extremists and anti-immigration extremists, have also committed violent acts included among the 150 listed here.

All of the perpetrators and alleged perpetrators listed in this report have ties to extremist ideologies, but not all of them actually have had connections to specific extremist groups. Indeed, terrorist groups as suchi.e., groups that form and exist largely for the purpose of committing terrorist actsare rare in the United States, where the rule of law is strong and such groups have great difficulties in finding purchase. Even when extremists are connected to specific groups, they rarely commit their actions at the direction of the group. Rather, extremist groups in the United States tend to serve a purpose of radicalization more than anything else, whether of their own members or, as in the case of Dylann Roof, of non-members who may be influenced by their propaganda.

The perpetrators of some of the incidents on this list were part of formal groups, while others were essentially involved in cellsinformal associations of extremists banding together to commit an act. But just as common as these two types were lone offendersthe lone wolf terrorists responsible for a large number of Americas terror incidents. Indeed, approximately half of the 150 incidents listed in this report involved lone wolf offenders. Today, thanks to the Internet, it is easier than ever for someone to become steeped in extremist ideologies, even to the point of being willing to commit acts of great violence, without ever being involved in an organized extremist group.

The Incidents

The list in this report includes 150 incidents involving acts, attempted acts, and plots of right-wing terrorism from 1993 through part of 2017. A few of these terror acts are well-known, such as the bombings conducted by Timothy McVeigh and Eric Rudolph, while many other incidents garnered little more than local media coverage and are unknown to most Americans. Such lists always involve some value judgments on the margins and there are some incidents on the list that some people might think dont belong on such a list, while there are items missing from the list that some people might think should be included, such as the armed standoffs involving members of the Bundy family and others in Nevada in 2014 and Oregon in 2016.

In many cases where a possible incident was not included, it was for one of several reasons. First, for some reported incidents, an extremist connection has never been satisfactorily established or has in fact been disproved. For example, in 2014 Dennis Marx attempted to use firearms and explosives to attack an Atlanta courthouse; some media outlets reported or speculated that Marx was a sovereign citizen. However, no evidence confirming this ever emerged and the police eventually acknowledged he had not been involved in the movement. Similarly, some media speculated that Jared Lee Loughner, who shot Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords and 18 others in a 2011 shooting spree in Arizona, was a sovereign citizen, but this also turned out to be untrue.

An additional group of incidents did not make the list because, while an extremist definitely committed an act of significant violence, the act was a spontaneous act of violence without noticeable premeditation; such acts are usually not included here. Finally, some incidentsusually discoveries of extremists with major illegal arsenals of weapons and/or explosiveswere not included because there was insufficient evidence of any target or intent to use the weapons for an act of terrorism. The incidents in these two categories are serious criminal violations but not really incidents of terrorism.

Those omissions still leave 150 terror incidents from the last quarter-century. This lengthy string of dangerous attacks and plots illustrates how deeply seated the threat of right-wing terrorism is in the United States.

A look at these 150 incidents over time reveals that two specific surges of right-wing terrorism have occurred over the past 25 years. The first was the surge of the mid-to-late 1990s, a result of a great increase in right-wing extremism as a result of a variety of factors that include the election of Bill Clinton, the passage of NAFTA, the passage of gun control measures such as the Brady Law and the Assault Weapons Ban, and the deadly standoffs at Ruby Ridge, Idaho, in 1992 and Waco, Texas, in 1993, which energized white supremacists and anti-government extremists, respectively.

The 1990s surge had died down by the turn of the century and right-wing terrorism occurred less frequently in the early-to-mid 2000s. Events ranging from the non-event of a Y2K-related disaster to the replacement of Bill Clinton with George W. Bush to the 9/11 terror attacks all played a role in dampening right-wing furor.

Unfortunately, this state of affairs did not last. Near the end of Bushs second term, right-wing terror incidents began to increase again and this trend accelerated by 2009, thanks in part to the election of Barack Obama, whom both white supremacists and anti-government extremists hated, and to the major economic disasters of the Great Recession and the foreclosure crisis. The latter two in particular allowed the sovereign citizen movement to greatly expand. The result was a second surge of right-wing extremism, one that was accompanied by a surge of right-wing terror incidents. This increased level of terror-related activity remains high today, though whether or not it will sustain itself during a Trump administration remains to be seen.

The worst right-wing terror attack, the Oklahoma City bombing, killed 168 people and injured hundreds more. Thankfully, none of the other incidents achieved anywhere near that level of lethality and destructiveness. In large part, this has been due to effective law enforcement, at both the federal and state/local levels, who have uncovered and prevented many attempts at terrorist acts. Indeed, only a minority of the incidents recorded here65 out of 150could be considered successful acts, by which is meant that the terrorist(s) succeeded in carrying out part or all of their plan or were able to wreak some sort of damage (such as shooting someone) while attempting to carry out their plan. This does not include bombs that were successfully planted but which failed to go off.

Some of the attempted acts never had a good chance of success, while others could easily have been deadly. Even though most terror incidents were not successes, the minority that did succeed resulted in 255 deaths and approximately 603 people injured (not all injury counts are consistent). Were it not for the efforts of law enforcement to detect and prevent right-wing acts of terror, that deadly toll would be far higher still.

It is worth nothing that, although bombs were used or considered by extremists just as often as firearms, their successful use rate was much lower. This is largely due to the fact that explosives are far more difficult to obtain and to use in the United States than are firearms, which are abundant, easy to use, and very deadly. There is far better regulation of explosives than firearms in the United States.

In a minority of cases, right-wing extremists attempted arsons or incendiary devices such as Molotov cocktails; abortion clinics were a frequent target of such violence. And, from time to time, extremists would select more exotic means of murder, such as using the deadly toxin ricin or poisoning a water supply or trying to build a radiological weapon.

Whatever weapon they planned to use against their targets, right-wing extremists have had no shortage of targets. Indeed, some ambitious plots have contained an entire array of targets slated for death and destruction.

Of the various targets of right-wing anger, it is governmental and law enforcement institutions that are most often threatened. Of the incidents examined here, 66 involved some sort of government-related target. This is largely due to the fact that white supremacists and anti-government extremists alike, as well as most of the lesser right-wing movements, hate government and law enforcement. This category includes federal, state and local branches of government and law enforcement.

White supremacists are responsible for most of the racial and religious targeting. Virtually any person or institution associated with a non-white race can be a potential target for white supremacists, but African-Americans, Hispanics, and multi-racial couples/families have been the most common groups victimized. The most frequent religious targets were, not surprisingly, Jews and Muslims (including non-Muslims perceived as Muslims). Actual or perceived immigrants, as well as LGBT targets, were also subject to victimization.

Abortion-related targets, typically clinics that provide abortion services as well as the people who work at such places, were also common. While anti-abortion extremists were the extremists most likely to attack abortion-related targets, other right-wing extremists, most noticeably white supremacists, also occasionally attempted such attacks.

Right-wing extremist have also taken aim at a variety of other targets. Commercial targets have included various businesses and, in particular, financial institutions. Infrastructure targets include a wide range of installations, from refineries to dams to water supplies. In some cases, extremists have simply targeted crowded public areas, hoping to cause significant human casualties.

The Present and Future of Right-Wing Terrorism

Over the past 25 years, right-wing terrorism has exhibited a considerable amount of stability. Part of this is due to the fact that most of it comes from two mature and well-established movements: the white supremacist movement and the anti-government Patriot movement. They have specific goals and specific enemies and can be expected to produce a steady stream of extremists willing to use violence to achieve those goals or harm those enemies. Moreover, though fringe movements, they nevertheless have deep roots in American society and cannot simply be rooted out or eliminated. Right-wing terrorism is not going away anytime soon.

On the plus side, law enforcement is collectively far more familiar with right-wing extremist movements than it may be with newer types of extremist movements, which enables it to utilize informants and undercover officers to a much fuller extent than might otherwise be the case. It is no coincidence that a number of the prevented acts recounted in this study were prevented thanks to sting operations, which are one of the most consistently successful law enforcement tools against terrorismas long as law enforcement is sufficiently familiar with the relevant movement(s).

Most of the 25 years examined here for right-wing terrorism have occurred in what can be deemed the Internet era. However, the Internet of the mid-1990s was very different than that of ten years later or todays on-line world. Overall, right-wing terrorism has remained pretty consistent throughout this era, but the evolution of the Internet has resulted in some changes.

In particular, the social networking revolution that occurred during the period 2006-2009 has made it easier for extremist ideas and tactics to spread very far, very fast. This can allow new extremist movements, such as the white supremacist Alt Right, to quickly gain purchase, and can allow established movement, such as the sovereign citizen movement, to rapidly resurge. Social networking has also allowed extremists to meet each other and even to plot on-line. The October 2008 school attack plot in Tennessee and the Georgia militia plot of February 2014 are two examples where extremists who met on-line later joined up in the real world to plot terrorist acts.

The Internet may also have made lone wolf terrorismterrorism committed by a lone perpetrator not acting at the behest of any organized groupa more common phenomenon, because one can now self-radicalize using on-line resources with little need to engage with other extremists in the real world. The shooting sprees of Keith Luke in 2009 and Dylann Roof in 2015 are examples of terrorist acts committed by lone extremists who radicalized on-line with little or no real interaction with other extremists. Lone wolves have long existed within Americas radical right, but could be even more likely in the future.

Finally, for the past quarter of a century, right-wing terrorism has been a consistent feature in the landscape of American violence, but it has garnered far less notice than some other forms of terrorism, most notably Islamic terrorism. Though a few incidents, such as the Oklahoma City bombing, or the bombings of Eric Rudoph, received extensive media coverage, many of the incidents collected here received scant media attention, particularly from major national media sources.

One reason for this under-coverage may be very simple: a surprising number of the terrorist acts and plots listed here originated away from major media centers. While some incidents took place in locations such as New York City, Chicago, or Los Angeles, many others occurred in out-of-the-way places such as Garden City, Kansas; Fairbanks, Alaska; or Lenoir, Tennessee. As a result, such incidents are less likely to get national media attention and, if they get any, less likely to get sustained coverage.

Whatever the reasons for the lack of coverage, one of its consequences has been an inadequate awareness among policy-makers and the public alike of the threat posed by violent right-wing extremists. Today, the United States still does not even have a federal domestic terrorism statute. Federal spending on training law enforcement on issues such as right-wing violence and terrorism is extremely low.

One thing is certain: if the United States does not treat right-wing terrorism as a real threat and react appropriately, there is no chance of lessening the danger posed by violent right-wing extremists and the 150 terror incidents described in this report will be joined by still more.

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Anti Defamation League calls right-wing terrorism 'a real threat' - NJ TODAY

Beth Emeth Bais Yehuda Synagogue

Posted By on May 22, 2017

Dancing with Diamonds

Dancing with Diamonds

Dancing with Diamonds

Dancing with Diamonds

Parliament Chanukah Candle Lighting

Parliament Chanukah Candle Lighting

Elder Street

Elder Street

World Wide Wrap

World Wide Wrap

Gala 60th Night

Gala 60th Night

Habitat for Humanity

Habitat for Humanity

The Book of Mordy

The Book of Mordy

The Book of Mordy

The Book of Mordy

The Book of Mordy

The Book of Mordy

Music & Magic Time Capsule Contents

Music & Magic

Music & Magic Time Capsule Contents

Music & Magic

Beth Emeth Bais Yehuda Synagogue fosters a full and joyous way of life proudly rooted in a heritage of traditional Conservative Judaism, and committed to Jewish values, education, spiritual well-being and community.

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Beth Emeth Bais Yehuda Synagogue

At a synagogue, Corey Stewart blames anti-Semitism on the left – Washington Post

Posted By on May 22, 2017

Republican gubernatorial candidate Corey A. Stewart told an audience at a Northern Virginia synagogue Sunday night that he blames the political left for rising anti-Semitism, stunning many in the audience who felt Stewart excused bigotry coming from his own supporters.

Today most of the anti-Semitic bigotry is not coming from the right. Its coming from the left. We have to face it, said Stewart, prompting a collective gasp and incredulous laughter from the crowd of about 400 at Temple Rodef Shalom in Fairfax County.

Stewart, who is significantly lagging in his campaign for the Republican nomination behind front-runner Ed Gillespie, has made the defense of the states Confederate heritage a mainstay of his bid and has attracted support from white supremacists.

But in his remarks, Stewart ticked off three instances including one more than a decade old in which Democrats had been labeled anti-Semitic or sexist.

What about Keith Ellison from Minnesota? Stewart said, referring to the Democratic congressman who has been criticized by some for his earlier support for Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan. Audience members shouted back, What about Trump?

Stewart received the iciest reception of the four candidates who appeared at the forum, which was sponsored by the Jewish Community Relations Council of Greater Washington. He participated with one of his Republican rivals, state Sen. Frank W. Wagner (Virginia Beach), and Democrats Tom Perriello, a former congressman, and Ralph Northam, the states lieutenant governor.

The only missing candidate was Gillespie. His communications director said the candidate had a conflicting event but declined to say where. His campaign finance director delivered remarks on his behalf at Temple Rodef Shalom.

The candidates appeared one at a time to deliver remarks and then answer questions that had been submitted through an online forum.

[Annandale man charged in anti-Semitic graffiti incidents in Northern Virginia]

Guila Franklin Siegel, the associate director of the JCRC, agreed that its important to address bigotry on all ends of the political spectrum but said she was disheartened by Stewarts remarks.

I thought it was disappointing he didnt take the opportunity to speak about what he could do within his own sphere of influence to combat anti-Semitism and all other forms of bigotry and intolerance, instead of looking at what other people are doing in other parts of the political spectrum, Siegel said.

The comments from Stewart, the chairman of the Prince William Board of County Superviors, come amid rising anxiety in the Jewish community about the increasing frequency acts of anti-Semitism, including recent vandalism at the Jewish Community Center of Northern Virginia. Police said the man arrested in the case had connections to the Aryan Underground.

[Do Corey Stewarts Confederate antics help Ed Gillespie or hurt the GOP brand?]

Many attendees in this Democratic stronghold were less concerned with Stewarts remarks and more focused on choosing between Perriello and Northam.

Sang Moore, a 42-year-old manager at a credit union who lives in Falls Church, said she was still undecided but leaning toward voting for Northam because of his experience in state government, where he served as a lawmaker before being elected lieutenant governor. In her eyes, it gave him an edge over Perriello, who lost his congressional seat in 2010 after one term and then worked for a left-leaning think tank before becoming a special envoy in Africa for the State Department.

Perriellos experience, while vast and impressive, is not Ralph Northams, Moore said.

Perriello and Northam are locked in a neck-and-neck battle for the Democratic nomination, according to polls.

Perriello panned President Trump on Sunday and blamed his rhetoric for increasing acts of racism and hate in the region. He cited the vandalism at the Jewish Community Center, the harassment of a woman in a hijab at a Trader Joes in Reston, Va., and a torchlight rally organized by white supremacists in Charlottesville to protest the proposed removal of a statue of Robert E. Lee.

[White nationalist Richard Spencer leads torch-bearing protesters defending Lee statue]

We have to be honest that we stand at a scary moment, where weve seen the kind of hatred and bigotry unleashed and enabled from the president himself, those around him and those who stand beside him, Perriello said.

Perriello also touted his experience working as a negotiator in Africa, saying it demonstrates his ability to work through disagreements. If we can bring together people who have literally been killing each other for years, weve got to find a way to find common ground, he said.

Northams remarks garnered the most applause. The soft-spoken pediatric neurologist talked of treating toddlers for gunshot wounds after mishaps with firearms and domestic violence victims shot by their partners as evidence of the need for stricter gun control, including restricting gun purchases to one per month.

Nobody needs to buy more than one gun a month, Northam said.

Wagner, who is running third in the GOP race just behind Stewart in the latest Washington Post-Schar School poll, mentioned how he once ran a company with a prominent Jewish businessman. He spoke of his proposal to revamp the high school curriculum to give students the flexibility to take career and technical education courses.

Somebody with a good career and technical background and industry credentials is going to earn more money than a college graduate, Wagner said.

He also pitched his proposal to raise the fuel tax to improve the transportation infrastructure. We have to make a bigger investment in transportation if we expect the Virginia economy to grow, Wagner said.

Both parties will choose their nominees in a June 13 primary, and the general election will be in November. May 22 is the last day to register to vote in the primary.

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At a synagogue, Corey Stewart blames anti-Semitism on the left - Washington Post

Synagogue celebrates new facility in Cos Cob – GreenwichTime – Greenwich Time

Posted By on May 22, 2017

Photo: Bob Luckey Jr. / Hearst Connecticut Media

Rabbi Andrew Sklarz, background left, leads the opening ceremony of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

Rabbi Andrew Sklarz, background left, leads the opening ceremony of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

Victor Romley of Greenwich smiles during the opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

Victor Romley of Greenwich smiles during the opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The lobby area during the opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The lobby area during the opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

Cynthia Crispino of Cos Cob applauds during the opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

Cynthia Crispino of Cos Cob applauds during the opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

The opening of the Greenwich Reform Synagogue at 92 Orchard Street in the Cos Cob section of Greenwich, Conn., Sunday morning, May 21, 2017.

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Synagogue celebrates new facility in Cos Cob - GreenwichTime - Greenwich Time

Hasidic Judaism – Wikipedia

Posted By on May 22, 2017

Hasidism, sometimes Hasidic Judaism (Hebrew: , hasidut, Ashkenazi pronunciation: [asidus]; originally, "piety"), is a Jewish religious sect. It arose as a spiritual revival movement in contemporary Western Ukraine during the 18th century and spread rapidly throughout Eastern Europe. Today, most affiliates reside in the United States, Israel, and Britain. Israel Ben Eliezer, the "Baal Shem Tov", is regarded as its founding father, and his disciples developed and disseminated it. Present-day Hasidism is a sub-group within Ultra-Orthodox ("Haredi") Judaism and is noted for its religious conservatism and social seclusion.

Hasidic thought draws heavily on Lurianic Kabbalah and to an extent is a popularization of it. Teachings emphasize God's immanence in the universe, the need to cleave and be one with Him at all times, the devotional aspect of religious practice, and the spiritual dimension of corporeality and mundane acts. Hasidim, the adherents of Hasidism, are organized in independent sects known as "courts" or dynasties, each headed by its own hereditary leader, a Rebbe. Reverence and submission to the Rebbe are key tenets, as he is considered a spiritual authority with whom the follower must bond to gain closeness to God. The various "courts" share basic convictions, but operate apart and possess unique traits and customs. Affiliation is often retained in families for generations, and being Hasidic is as much a sociological factor, entailing birth into a specific community and allegiance to a dynasty of Rebbes, as it is a purely religious one. There are several "courts" with many thousands of member households each, and dozens of smaller ones.

The terms hasid and hasidut, meaning "pietist" and "piety", have a long history in Judaism. The Talmud and other old sources refer to the "Pietists of Old" (Hasidim ha-Rishonim) who would contemplate an entire hour in preparation for prayer. The phrase denoted extremely devoted individuals who not only observed the Law to its letter, but performed good deeds even beyond it. Adam himself is honored with the title in tractate Eruvin 18b by Rabbi Meir: "Adam was a great hasid, having fasted for 130 years." The first to adopt the epithet collectively were apparently the hasidim in Second Temple period Judea, known as Hasideans after the Greek rendering of their name, who perhaps served as the model for those mentioned in the Talmud. The title continued to be applied as an honorific for the exceptionally devout. In 12th-century Rhineland, or Ashkenaz in Jewish parlance, another prominent school of ascetics named themselves hasidim; to distinguish them from the rest, later research employed the term Ashkenazi Hasidim. In the 16th century, when Kabbalah spread, the title also became associated with it. Jacob ben Hayyim Zemah wrote in his glossa on Isaac Luria's version of the Shulchan Aruch that, "One who wishes to tap the hidden wisdom, must conduct himself in the manner of the Pious."

The movement founded by Israel Ben Eliezer in the 18th century adopted the term hasidim in the original connotation. But when the sect grew and developed specific attributes, from the 1770s, the names gradually acquired a new meaning. Its common adherents, belonging to groups each headed by a spiritual leader, were henceforth known as Hasidim. The transformation was slow: The movement was at first referred to as "New Hasidism" by outsiders (as recalled in the autobiography of Salomon Maimon) to separate it from the old one, and its enemies derisively mocked its members as Mithasdim, "[those who] pretend [to be] hasidim". Yet, eventually, the young sect gained such a mass following that the old connotation was sidelined. In popular discourse, at least, Hasid came to denote someone who follows a religious teacher from the movement. It also entered Modern Hebrew as such, meaning "adherent" or "disciple". One was not merely a hasid anymore, observed historian David Assaf, but a Hasid of someone or some dynasty in particular. This linguistic transformation paralleled that of the word tzaddik, "righteous", which the Hasidic leaders adopted for themselves though they are known colloquially as Rebbes or by the honorific Admor. Originally denoting an observant, moral person, in Hasidic literature tzaddik became synonymous with the often hereditary master heading a sect of followers.[1][2]

The lengthy history of Hasidism, the numerous schools of thought therein, and particularly its use of the traditional medium of homiletic literature and sermons comprising numerous references to earlier sources in the Pentateuch, Talmud and exegesis as a means to grounding oneself in tradition as the almost sole channel to convey its ideas, all made the isolation of a common doctrine highly challenging to researchers. As noted by Joseph Dan, "every attempt to present such a body of ideas has failed." Even motifs presented by scholars in the past as unique Hasidic contributions were later revealed to have been common among both their predecessors and opponents, all the more so regarding many other traits that are widely extant these play, Dan added, "a prominent role in modern non-Hasidic and anti-Hasidic writings as well".[3] The difficulty of separating the movement's philosophy from that of its main inspiration, Lurianic Kabbalah, and determining what was novel and what merely a recapitulation, also baffled historians. Some, like Louis Jacobs, regarded the early masters as innovators who introduced "much that was new if only by emphasis";[4] others, primarily Mendel Piekarz, argued to the contrary that but a little was not found in much earlier tracts, and the movement's originality lay in the manner it popularized these teachings to become the ideology of a well-organized sect.[5]

Among the traits particularly associated with Hasidism in common understanding which are in fact widespread, is the importance of joy and happiness at worship and religious life though the sect undoubtedly stressed this aspect and still possesses a clear populist bent. Another example is the value placed on the simple, ordinary Jew in supposed contradiction with the favouring of elitist scholars beforehand; such ideas are common in ethical works far preceding Hasidism. The movement did for a few decades challenge the rabbinic establishment, which relied on the authority of Torah acumen, but affirmed the centrality of study very soon. Concurrently, the image of its Opponents as dreary intellectuals who lacked spiritual fervour and opposed mysticism is likewise unfounded. Neither did Hasidism, often portrayed as promoting healthy sensuality, unanimously reject the asceticism and self-mortification associated primarily with its rivals. Joseph Dan ascribed all these perceptions to so-called "Neo-Hasidic" writers and thinkers, like Martin Buber. In their attempt to build new models of spirituality for modern Jews, they propagated a romantic, sentimental image of the movement. The "Neo-Hasidic" interpretation influenced even scholarly discourse to a great degree, but had a tenuous connection with reality.[3]

A further complication is the divide between what researchers term "early Hasidism", which ended in the early 1800s, and established Hasidism since then onwards. While the former was a highly dynamic religious revival movement, the latter phase is characterized by consolidation into sects with hereditary leadership. The mystical teachings formulated during the first era were by no means repudiated, and many Hasidic masters remained consummate spiritualists and original thinkers; as noted by Benjamin Brown, Buber's once commonly accepted view that the routinization constituted "decadence" was refuted by later studies, demonstrating that the movement remained very much innovative.[6] Yet many aspects of early Hasidism were indeed de-emphasized in favour of more conventional religious expressions, and its radical concepts were largely neutralized. Some Rebbes adopted a relatively rationalist bent, sidelining their explicit mystical, theurgical roles, and many others functioned almost solely as political leaders of large communities. As to their Hasidim, affiliation was less a matter of admiring a charismatic leader as in the early days, but rather birth into a family belonging to a specific "court".[7]

The most fundamental theme underlying all Hasidic theory is the immanence of God in the universe, often expressed in a phrase from Tikunei haZohar, Leit Atar panuy mi-nya (Aramaic: "no site is devoid of it"). Derived from Lurianic discourse, but greatly expanded in the Hasidic one, this panentheistic concept implies that literally all of creation is suffused with divinity. In the beginning, God had to contract (Tzimtzum) His omnipresence or infinity, the Ein Sof. Thus, a Vacant Void (Khalal panui) was created, bereft from obvious presence, and therefore able to entertain free will, contradictions and other phenomena seemingly separate from God Himself, which would have been impossible within His original, perfect existence. Yet, the very reality of the world which was created therein is entirely dependent on its divine origin. Matter would have been null and void without the true, spiritual essence it possesses. Just the same, the infinite Ein Sof cannot manifest in the Vacant Void, and must limit itself in the guise of measurable corporeality that may be perceived.[8]

Thus, there is a dualism between the true aspect of everything and the physical side, false, but ineluctable, with each evolving into the other: as God must compress and disguise Himself, so must humans and matter in general ascend and reunite with the omnipresence. Elior quoted Shneur Zalman of Liadi, in his commentary Torah Or on Genesis 28:21, who wrote that "this is the purpose of Creation, from Infinity to Finitude, so it may be reversed from the state of Finite to that of Infinity". Kabbalah stressed the importance of this dialectic, but mainly (though not exclusively) evoked it in cosmic terms, referring for example to the manner in which God progressively diminished Himself into the world through the various dimensions, or Sephirot. Hasidism applied it also to the most mundane details of human existence. All Hasidic schools devoted a prominent place in their teaching, with differing accentuation, to the interchanging nature of Ein, both infinite and imperceptible, becoming Yesh, "Existent" and vice versa. They used the concept as a prism to gauge the world, and the needs of the spirit in particular. Rachel Elior noted: "reality lost its static nature and permanent value, now measured by a new standard, seeking to expose the Godly, boundless essence, manifest in its tangible, circumscribed opposite."[9]

One major derivative of this philosophy is the notion of devekut, "communion". As God was everywhere, connection with Him had to be pursued ceaselessly as well, in all times, places and occasions. Such an experience was in the reach of every person, who only had to negate his inferior impulses and grasp the truth of divine immanence, enabling him to unite with it and attain the state of perfect, selfless bliss. Hasidic masters, well versed in the teachings concerning communion, are supposed not only to gain it themselves, but to guide their flock to it. Devekut was not a strictly defined experience; many varieties were described, from the utmost ecstasy of the learned leaders to the common man's more humble yet no less significant emotion during prayer.

Closely linked with the former is Bitul ha-Yesh, "Negation of the Existent", or of the "Corporeal". Hasidism teaches that while a superficial observance of the universe by the "eyes of the flesh" (Einei ha-Basar) purportedly reflects the reality of all things profane and worldly, a true devotee must transcend this illusory faade and realize that there is nothing but God. It is not only a matter of perception, but very practical, for it entails also abandoning material concerns and cleaving only to the true, spiritual ones, oblivious to the surrounding false distractions of life. The practitioner's success in detaching from his sense of person, and conceive himself as Ein (in the double meaning of 'naught' and 'infinite'), is regarded as the highest state of elation in Hasidism. The true divine essence of man the soul may then ascend and return to the upper realm, where it does not possess an existence independent from God. This ideal is termed Hitpashtut ha-Gashmi'yut, "the expansion (or removal) of corporeality". It is the dialectic opposite of God's contraction into the world.[10]

To be enlightened and capable of Bitul ha-Yesh, pursuing the pure spiritual aims and defying the primitive impulses of the body, one must overcome his inferior "Bestial Soul", connected with the Eyes of the Flesh. He may be able to tap into his "Divine Soul" (Nefesh Elohit), which craves communion, by employing constant contemplation, Hitbonenot, on the hidden Godly dimension of all that exists. Then he could understand his surroundings with the "Eyes of the Intellect". The ideal adherent was intended to develop equanimity, or Hishtavut in Hasidic parlance, toward all matters worldly, not ignoring them, but understanding their superficiality.

Hasidic masters exhorted their followers to "negate themselves", paying as little heed as they could for worldly concerns, and thus, to clear the way for this transformation. The struggle and doubt of being torn between the belief in God's immanence and the very real sensual experience of the indifferent world is a key theme in the movement's literature. Many tracts have been devoted to the subject, acknowledging that the "callous and rude" flesh hinders one from holding fast to the ideal, and these shortcomings are extremely hard to overcome even in the purely intellectual level, a fortiori in actual life.[11]

Another implication of this dualism is the notion of "Worship through Corporeality", Avodah be-Gashmi'yut. As the Ein Sof metamorphosed into substance, so may it in turn be raised back to its higher state; likewise, since the machinations in the higher Sephirot exert their influence on this world, even the most simple action may, if performed correctly and with understanding, achieve the reverse effect. According to Lurianic doctrine, The netherworld was suffused with divine sparks, concealed within "husks", Qliphoth. The glints had to be recovered and elevated to their proper place in the cosmos. "Materiality itself could be embraced and consecrated", noted Glenn Dynner, and Hasidism taught that by common acts like dancing or eating, performed with intention, the sparks could be extricated and set free. Avodah be-Gashmi'yut had a clear, if not implicit, antinomian edge, possibly equating sacred rituals mandated by Judaism with everyday activities, granting them the same status in the believer's eyes and having him content to commit the latter at the expense of the former. While at some occasions the movement did appear to step at that direction for example, in its early days prayer and preparation for it consumed so much time that adherents were blamed of neglecting sufficient Torah study Hasidic masters proved highly conservative. Unlike in other, more radical sects influenced by kabbalistic ideas, like the Sabbateans, Worship through Corporeality was largely limited to the elite and carefully restrained. The common adherents were taught they may engage it only mildly, through small deeds like earning money to support their leaders.

The complementary opposite of corporeal worship, or the elation of the finite into infinite, is the concept of Hamshacha, "drawing down" or "absorbing", and specifically, Hamschat ha-Shefa, "absorption of effluence". During spiritual ascension, one could siphon the power animating the higher dimensions down into the material world, where it would manifest as benevolent influence of all kinds. These included spiritual enlightenment, zest in worship and other high-minded aims, but also the more prosaic health and healing, deliverance from various troubles and simple economic prosperity. Thus, a very tangible and alluring motivation to become followers emerged. Both corporeal worship and absorption allowed the masses to access, with common actions, a religious experience once deemed esoteric.[12]

Yet another reflection of the Ein-Yesh dialectic is pronounced in the transformation of evil to goodness and the relations between these two poles and other contradicting elements including various traits and emotions of the human psyche, like pride and humility, purity and profanity, et cetera. Hasidic thinkers argued that in order to redeem the sparks hidden, one had to associate not merely with the corporeal, but with sin and evil. One example is the elevation of impure thoughts during prayer, transforming them to noble ones rather than repressing them, advocated mainly in the early days of the sect; or "breaking" oneself's character by directly confronting profane inclinations. This aspect, once more, had sharp antinomian implications was and used by the Sabbateans to justify excessive sinning. It was mostly toned down in late Hasidism, and even before that leaders were careful to stress that it was not exercised in the physical sense, but in the contemplative, spiritual one. This kabbalistic notion, too, was not unique to the movement and appeared frequently among other Jewish groups.[13]

While its mystical and ethical teachings are not easily sharply distinguished from those of other Jewish currents, the defining doctrine of Hasidism is that of the saintly leader, serving both as an ideal inspiration and an institutional figure around whom followers are organized. In the movement's sacral literature, this person is referred to as the Tzaddiq, the Righteous One often also known by the general honorific Admor (acronym of Hebrew for "our master, teacher and Rabbi"), granted to rabbis in general, or colloquially as Rebbe. The idea that, in every generation, there are righteous persons through whom the divine effluence is drawn to the material world is rooted in the kabbalistic thought, which also claims that one of them is supreme, the reincarnation of Moses. Hasidism elaborated the notion of the Tzaddiq into the basis of its entire system so much that the very term gained an independent meaning within it, apart from the original which denoted God-fearing, highly observant people.[1]

When the sect began to attract following and expanded from a small circle of learned disciples to a mass movement, it became evident that its complex philosophy could be imparted only partially to the new rank and file. As even intellectuals struggled with the sublime dialectics of infinity and corporeality, there was little hope to have the common folk truly internalize these, not as mere abstractions to pay lip service to.[14] Ideologues exhorted them to have faith, but the true answer, which marked their rise as a distinct sect, was the concept of the Tzaddiq. A Hasidic master was to serve as a living embodiment of the recondite teachings. He was able to transcend matter, gain spiritual communion, Worship through Corporeality and fulfill all the theoretical ideals. As the vast majority of his flock could not do so themselves, they were to cleave to him instead, acquiring at least some semblance of those vicariously. His commanding and often especially in the early generations charismatic presence was to reassure the faithful and demonstrate the truth in Hasidic philosophy by countering doubts and despair. But more than spiritual welfare was concerned: Since it was believed he could ascend to the higher realms, the leader was able to harvest effluence and bring it down upon his adherents, providing them with very material benefits. "The crystallization of that theurgical phase", noted Glenn Dynner, "marked Hasidism's evolution into a full-fledged social movement."

In Hasidic discourse, the willingness of the leader to sacrifice the ecstasy and fulfillment of unity in God was deemed a heavy sacrifice undertook for the benefit of the congregation. His followers were to sustain and especially to obey him, as he possessed superior knowledge and insight gained through communion. The "descent of the Righteous" (Yeridat ha-Tzaddiq) into the matters of the world was depicted as identical with the need to save the sinners and redeem the sparks concealed in the most lowly places. Such a link between his functions as communal leader and spiritual guide legitimized the political power he wielded. It also prevented a retreat of Hasidic masters into hermitism and passivity, as many mystics before them did. Their worldly authority was perceived as part of their long-term mission to elevate the corporeal world back into divine infinity.[15] To a certain extent, the Saint even fulfilled for his congregation, and for it alone, a limited Messianic capacity in his lifetime. After the Sabbatean debacle, this moderate approach provided a safe outlet for the eschatological urges. At least two leaders radicalized in this sphere and caused severe controversy: Nachman of Breslov, who declared himself the only true Tzaddiq, and Menachem Mendel Schneerson, whom many of his followers believed to be the Messiah. The Rebbes were subject to intense hagiography, even subtly compared with Biblical figures by employing prefiguration.[3] It was argued that since followers could not "negate themselves" sufficiently to transcend matter, they should instead "negate themselves" in submission to the Saint (hitbatlut la-Tzaddiq), thus bonding with him and enabling themselves to access what he achieved in terms of spirituality. The Righteous served as a mystical bridge, drawing down effluence and elevating the prayers and petitions of his admirers.[15]

The Saintly forged a well-defined relationship with the masses: they provided the latter with inspiration, were consulted in all matters, and were expected to intercede on behalf of their adherents with God and ensure they gained financial prosperity, health and male offspring. The pattern still characterizes Hasidic sects, though prolonged routinization in many turned the Rebbes into de facto political leaders of strong, institutionalized communities. The role of a Saint was obtained by charisma, erudition and appeal in the early days of Hasidism. But by the dawn of the 19th century, the Righteous began to claim legitimacy by descent to the masters of the past, arguing that since they linked matter with infinity, their abilities had to be associated with their own corporeal body. Therefore, it was accepted "there can be no Tzaddiq but the son of a Tzaddiq". Virtually all modern sects maintain this hereditary principle. For example, the Rebbes' families maintain endogamy and marry almost solely with scions of other dynasties.[16]

Some Hasidic "courts", and not a few individual prominent masters, developed distinct philosophies with particular accentuation of various themes in the movement's general teachings. Several of these Hasidic schools had lasting influence over many dynasties, while others died with their proponents. In the doctrinal sphere, the dynasties may be divided along many lines. Some are characterized by Rebbes who are predominantly Torah scholars and decisors, deriving their authority much like ordinary non-Hasidic rabbis do. Such "courts" place great emphasis on strict observance and study, and are among the most meticulous in the Orthodox world in practice. Prominent examples are the House of Sanz and its scions, such as Satmar, or Belz. Other sects, like Vizhnitz, espouse a charismatic-populist line, centered on the admiration of the masses for the Righteous, his effervescent style of prayer and conduct and his purported miracle-working capabilities. Fewer still retain a high proportion of the mystical-spiritualist themes of early Hasidism, and encourage members to study much kabbalistic literature and (carefully) engage in the field. The various Ziditchover dynasties mostly adhere to this philosophy.[17] Others still focus on contemplation and achieving inner perfection. No dynasty is wholly devoted to a single approach of the above, and all offer some combination with differing emphasis on each of those.

In 1812, a schism occurred between the Seer of Lublin and his prime disciple, the Holy Jew of Przysucha, due to both personal and doctrinal disagreements. The Seer adopted a populist approach, centered on the Righteous' theurgical functions to draw the masses. He was famous for his lavish, enthusiastic conduct during prayer and worship, and extremely charismatic demeanour. He stressed that as Tzaddiq, his mission was to influence the common folk by absorbing Divine Light and satisfying their material needs, thus converting them to his cause and elating them. The Holy Jew pursued a more introspective course, maintaining that the Rebbe's duty was to serve as a spiritual mentor for a more elitist group, helping them to achieve a senseless state of contemplation, aiming to restore man to his oneness with God which Adam supposedly lost when he ate the fruit of the Lignum Scientiae. The Holy Jew and his successors did neither repudiate miracle working, nor did they eschew dramatic conduct; but they were much more restrained in general. The Przysucha School became dominant in Central Poland, while populist Hasidism resembling the Lublin ethos often prevailed in Galicia.[18] One extreme and renowned philosopher who emerged from the Przysucha School was Menachem Mendel of Kotzk. Adopting an elitist, hard-line attitude, he openly denounced the folkly nature of other Tzaddiqim, and rejected financial support. Gathering a small group of devout scholars who sought to attain spiritual perfection, whom he often berated and mocked, he always stressed the importance of both somberness and totality, stating it was better to be fully wicked than only somewhat good.

The Chabad school, limited to its namesake dynasty, but prominent, was founded by Shneur Zalman of Liadi and was elaborated by his successors, until the late 20th century. The movement retained many of the attributes of early Hasidism, before a clear divide between Righteous and ordinary followers was cemented. Chabad Rebbes insisted their adherents acquire proficiency in the sect's lore, and not relegate most responsibility to the leaders. The sect emphasizes the importance of intellectually grasping the dynamics of the hidden divine aspect and how they affect the human psyche; the very acronym Chabad is for the three penultimate Sephirot, associated with the cerebral side of consciousness.

Another famous philosophy is that formulated by Nachman of Breslov and adhered to by Breslov Hasidim. In contrast to most of his peers who believed God must be worshiped through joy, Nachman portrayed the corporeal world in grim colors, as a place devoid of God's immediate presence from which the soul yearns to liberate itself. He mocked the attempts to perceive the nature of infinite-finite dialectics and the manner in which God still occupies the Vacant Void albeit not, stating these were paradoxical, beyond human understanding. Only naive faith in their reality would do. Mortals were in constant struggle to overcome their profane instincts, and had to free themselves from their limited intellects to see the world as it truly is.

Tzvi Hirsh of Zidichov, a major Galician Tzaddiq, was a disciple of the Seer of Lublin, but combined his populist inclination with a strict observance even among his most common followers, and great pluralism in matters pertaining to mysticism, as those were eventually emanating from each person's unique soul.

Mordechai Yosef Leiner of Izbica promulgated a radical understanding of free will, which he considered illusory and also derived directly from God. He argued that when one attained a sufficient spiritual level and could be certain evil thoughts did not derive from his animalistic soul, then sudden urges to transgress revealed Law were God-inspired and may be pursued. This volatile, potentially antinomian doctrine of "Transgression for the Sake of Heaven" is found also in other Hasidic writings, especially from the early period. His successors de-emphasized it in their commentaries. Leiner's disciple Zadok HaKohen of Lublin also developed a complex philosophic system which presented a dialectic nature in history, arguing that great progress had to be preceded by crisis and calamity.

The Hasidic community is organized in a sect known as "court" (Hebrew: , hatzer; Yiddish: , Hoif). In the early days of the movement, a particular Rebbe's following usually resided in the same town, and Hasidim were categorized by their leaders' settlement: a Hasid of Belz, Vizhnitz and so forth. Later, especially after World War II, the dynasties retained the names of their original Eastern European settlements when moving to the West or Israel. Thus, for example, the "court" established by Joel Teitelbaum in 1905 at Transylvania remained known after its namesake town, Sathmar, even though its headquarters lay in New York, and almost all other Hasidic sects likewise albeit some groups founded overseas were named accordingly, like the Boston (Hasidic dynasty).

Akin to his spiritual status, the Rebbe is also the administrative head of the community. Sects often possess their own synagogues, study halls and internal charity mechanisms, and ones sufficiently large also maintain entire educational systems. The Rebbe is the supreme figure of authority, and not just for the institutions. The rank-and-file Hasidim are also expected to consult with him on important matters, and often seek his blessing and advice. He is personally attended by aides known as Gabbai or Mashbak.

Many particular Hasidic rites surround the leader. On the Sabbath, holidays, and celebratory occasions, Rebbes hold a Tisch (table), a large feast for their male adherents. Together, they sing, dance, and eat, and the head of the sect shakes the hands of his followers to bless them, and often delivers a sermon. A Chozer, "repeater", selected for his good memory, commits the text to writing after the Sabbath, during which the action is forbidden. In many "courts", the remnants of his meal, supposedly suffused with holiness, are handed over and even fought upon. Often, a very large dish is prepared beforehand and the Rebbe only tastes it before passing it to the crowd. Apart from the gathering at noon, the third repast on Sabbath and the "Melaveh Malkah" meal when it ends are also particularly important and an occasion for song, feasting, tales and sermons. A central custom, which serves as a major factor in the economics of most "courts", is the Pidyon, "Ransom", better known by its Yiddish name Kvitel, "little note": adherents submit a written petition, which the master may assist with on behalf of his sanctity, adding a sum of money for either charity or the leader's needs.[19][20] Occasions in the "court" serve as pretext for mass gatherings, flaunting the power, wealth and size of each. Weddings of the leader's family, for example, are often held with large multistoried stands (, Parentches) filled with Hasidim surround the main floor, where the Rebbe and his relatives dine, celebrate and perform the Mitzvah tantz. This is a festive dance with the bride: both parties hold one end of a long sash, a Hasidic gartel, for reasons of modesty.

Allegiance to the dynasty and Rebbe is also a cause for tension and violence.[21] Notable feuds between "courts" include the 192634 strife after Chaim Elazar Spira of Munkatch cursed the deceased Yissachar Dov Rokeach I of Belz;[22] the 19802012 Satmar-Belz collision after Yissachar Dov Rokeach II broke with the Orthodox Council of Jerusalem, which culminated when he had to travel in a bulletproof car;[23] and the 2006present Satmar succession dispute between brothers Aaron Teitelbaum and Zalman Teitelbaum, which saw mass riots. Like in other Ultra-Orthodox groups, Hasidim who wish to disaffiliate from the community face threats, hostility and various punitive measures.[24] A related phenomenon is the recent rise of Mashpi'im ("influencers"). Once a title for an instructor in Chabad and Breslov only, the institutionalized nature of the established "courts" led many adherents to seek guidance and inspiration from persons who did not declare themselves new leaders, but only Mashpi'im. Technically, they fill the original role of Rebbes in providing for spiritual welfare; yet, they did not usurp the title, and therefore could be countenanced.[25]

Most Hasidim use some variation of Nusach Sefard, a blend of Ashkenazi and Sephardi liturgies, based on the innovations of Rabbi Isaac Luria. Many dynasties have their own specific adaptation of Nusach Sefard; some, such as the versions of the Belzer, Bobover, and Dushinsky Hasidim, are closer to Nusach Ashkenaz, while others, such as the Munkacz version, are closer to the old Lurianic. Many sects believe that their version reflects Luria's mystical devotions best. The Baal Shem Tov added two segments to Friday services on the eve of Sabbath: Psalm 107 before afternoon prayer, and Psalm 23 at the end of evening service.

Hasidim use the Ashkenazi pronunciation of Hebrew and Aramaic for liturgical purposes, reflecting their Eastern European background. Wordless, emotional melodies, nigunim, are particularly common in their services.

Hasidim lend great importance to kavana, devotion or intention, and their services tend to be extremely long and repetitive. Some courts nearly abolished traditional specified times by which prayers must be conducted (zemanim), to prepare and concentrate. This practice, still enacted in Chabad for one, is controversial in many dynasties, which do follow the specifics of Jewish Law on praying earlier, and not eating beforehand. Another reglement is daily immersion in a ritual bath by males for spiritual cleansing, at a rate much higher than is customary among other Orthodox Jews.

Within the Hasidic world, it is possible to distinguish different Hasidic groups by subtle differences in dress. Some details of their dress are shared by non-Hasidic Haredim. Much of Hasidic dress was historically the clothing of all Eastern European Jews, influenced by the style of PolishLithuanian nobility.[26] Furthermore, Hasidim have attributed religious origins to specific Hasidic items of clothing.

Hasidic men most commonly wear dark overclothes. On weekdays, they wear a long, black, cloth jacket called a rekel, and on Jewish Holy Days, the bekishe zaydene kapote (Yiddish, lit., satin caftan), a similarly long, black jacket, but of satin fabric traditionally silk. Indoors, the colorful tish bekishe is still worn. Some Hasidim wear a satin overcoat, known as rezhvolke. A rebbe's rezhvolke might be trimmed with velvet. Most do not wear neckties.

On the Sabbath, the Hasidic Rebbes traditionally wore a white bekishe. This practice has fallen into disuse among most. Many of them wear a black silk bekishe that is trimmed with velvet (known as stro-kes or samet) and in Hungarian ones, gold-embroidered.

Various symbolic and religious qualities are attributed to Hasidic dress, though they are mainly apocryphal and the clothes' origin is cultural and historical. For example, the long overcoats are considered modest, the Shtreimel is supposedly related to shaatnez and keeps one warm without using wool, and Sabbath shoes are laceless in order not to have to tie a knot, a prohibited action. A gartel divides the Hasid's lower parts from his upper parts, implying modesty and chastity, and for kabbalistic reasons, Hasidim button their clothes right over left. Hasidim customarily wear black hats during the weekdays, as do nearly all Haredim today. A variety of hats are worn depending on the group: Chabad often pinch their hats to form a triangle on the top, Satmar wear an open-crown hat with rounded edges, and Samet (velvet) or biber (beaver) hats are worn by many Galician and Hungarian Hasidim.

Married Hasidim don a variety of fur headdresses on the Sabbath, once common among all wedded Eastern European Jewish males and still worn by non-Hasidic Perushim in Jerusalem. The most ubiquitous is the Shtreimel, which is seen especially among Galician and Hungarian sects like Satmar or Belz. A taller Spodik is donned by Polish dynasties such as Ger. A Kolpik is worn by unmarried sons and grandsons of many Rebbes on the Sabbath. Some Rebbes don it on special occasions.

There are many other distinct items of clothing. Such are the Gerrer hoyznzoknlong black socks into which the trousers are tucked. Some Hasidim from Eastern Galicia wear black socks with their breeches on the Sabbath, as opposed to white ones on weekdays, particularly Belzer Hasidim.

Following a Biblical commandment not to shave the sides of one's face, male members of most Hasidic groups wear long, uncut sidelocks called payot (or peyes). Some Hasidic men shave off the rest of their hair. Not every Hasidic group requires long peyos, and not all Jewish men with peyos are Hasidic, but all Hasidic groups discourage the shaving of one's beard. Most Hasidic boys receive their first haircuts ceremonially at the age of three years (only the Skverrer Hasidim do this at their boys' second birthday). Until then, Hasidic boys have long hair.

Hasidic women wear clothing adhering to the principles of modest dress in Jewish law. This includes long, conservative skirts and sleeves past the elbow, as well as covered necklines. Also, the women wear stockings to cover their legs; in some Hasidic groups, such as Satmar or Toldot Aharon, the stockings must be opaque. In keeping with Jewish law, married women cover their hair, using either a sheitel (wig), a tichel (headscarf), a shpitzel, a snood, a hat, or a beret. In some Hasidic groups, such as Satmar, women may wear two headcoverings a wig and a scarf, or a wig and a hat.

Hasidic Jews, like many other Orthodox Jews, typically produce large families; the average Hasidic family in the United States has 8 children.[27] This is followed out of a desire to fulfill the Biblical mandate to "be fruitful and multiply".[28]

Most Hasidim speak the language of their countries of residence, but use Yiddish among themselves as a way of remaining distinct and preserving tradition. Thus, children are still learning Yiddish today, and the language, despite predictions to the contrary, is not dead. Yiddish newspapers are still published, and Yiddish fiction is being written, primarily aimed at women. Even films in Yiddish are being produced within the Hasidic community. Some Hasidic groups, such as Satmar or Toldot Aharon, actively oppose the everyday use of Hebrew, which they consider a holy tongue. The use of Hebrew for anything other than prayer and study is, according to them, profane. Hence, Yiddish is the vernacular and common tongue for many Hasidim around the world.

Hasidic Tales are a literary genre, concerning both hagiography of various Rebbes and moralistic themes. Some are anecdotes or recorded conversations dealing with matters of faith, practice, and the like. The most famous tend to be terse and carry a strong and obvious point. They were often transmitted orally, though the earliest compendium is from 1815.[29]

Many revolve around the Righteous. The Baal Shem, in particular, was subject to excess hagiography.[30] Characterized by vivid metaphors, miracles, and piety, each reflects the surrounding and era it was composed in. Common themes include dissenting the question what is acceptable to pray for, whether or not the commoner may gain communion, or the meaning of wisdom.[30] The tales were a popular, accessible medium to convey to movement's messages.[29]

The various Hasidic groups may be categorized along several parameters, including their geographical origin, their proclivity for certain teachings, and their political stance. These attributes are quite often, but by no means always, correlated, and there are many instances when a "court" espouses a unique combination.[31][32] Thus, while most dynasties from the former Greater Hungary and Galicia are inclined to extreme conservatism and anti-Zionism, Rebbe Yekutiel Yehuda Halbertsam led the Sanz-Klausenburg sect in a more open and mild direction;[33] and though Hasidim from Lithuania and Belarus are popularly perceived as prone to intellectualism, David Assaf noted this notion is derived more from their Litvak surroundings than their actual philosophies.[31] Apart from those, each "court" often possesses its unique customs, including style of prayer, melodies, particular items of clothing and the like.

On the political scale, "courts" are mainly divided on their relations to Zionism. The right-wing, identified with Satmar, are hostile to the State of Israel, and refuse to participate in the elections there or receive any state funding. They are mainly affiliated with the Orthodox Council of Jerusalem and the Central Rabbinical Congress. The great majority belong to Agudas Israel, represented in Israel by the United Torah Judaism party. Its Council of Torah Sages now includes a dozen Rebbes. In the past, there were Religious Zionist Rebbes, mainly of the Ruzhin line, but there are virtually none today.[34]

In 2005, Prof. Jacques Gutwirth estimated there were some 400,000 men, women, and children adhering to Hasidic sects worldwide, and that figure was expected to grow due to high birth rates of Hasidic Jews. About 200,000, he assumed, lived in the State of Israel, another 150,000 in the United States, and further 50,000 were scattered around the world, especially in Britain, but also in Antwerp, Montreal, Vienna, and other centers.[35] In Israel, the largest Hasidic concentrations are in the Ultra-Orthodox neighbourhoods of Jerusalem including Ramot Alon, Batei Ungarin et cetera in the cities of Bnei Brak and El'ad, and in the West Bank settlements of Modi'in Illit and Beitar Illit. There is considerable presence in other specifically Orthodox municipalities or enclaves, like Kiryat Sanz, Netanya. In the United States, most Hasidim reside in New York and New Jersey, though there are small communities across the entire country. In Brooklyn, Borough Park, Williamsburg, and Crown Heights all house a particularly large population. So does the hamlet of Monsey in upstate New York. In the same region, New Square, Monroe, and Kiryas Joel are rapidly growing all-Hasidic enclaves,[36] one founded by the Skver dynasty and the other by Satmar. In Britain, Stamford Hill is home to the largest Hasidic community in the country, and there are others in London and Prestwich in Manchester. In Canada, Kiryas Tosh is a settlement populated entirely by Tosh Hasidim, and there are more adherents of other sects in and around Montreal.

There are more than a dozen Hasidic dynasties with a large following, and over a hundred which have small or minuscule adherence, sometimes below twenty people, with the presumptive Rebbe holding the title more as a matter of prestige. Many "courts" became completely extinct during the Holocaust, like the Aleksander (Hasidic dynasty) from Aleksandrw dzki, which numbered tens of thousands in 1939, and barely exists today.[37]

The largest sect in the world is Satmar, founded in 1905 in the namesake city in Hungary and based in Williamsburg, Brooklyn and Kiryas Joel. Estimates claim as many as 120,000 adherents of all ages. Satmar is known for its conservatism and opposition to both Agudas Israel and Zionism, inspired by the legacy of Hungarian Ultra-Orthodoxy. The sect underwent a schism in 2006 and two competing factions emerged, led by rival brothers Aaron Teitelbaum and Zalman Teitelbaum. The second-largest "court" worldwide is Ger, established in 1859 at Gra Kalwaria, near Warsaw. Ger lists some 10,000 households in its Israel registry alone, and there are more abroad. For decades, it was the dominant power in Agudas and espoused a moderate line toward Zionism and modern culture. Its origins lay in the rationalist Przysucha School of Central Poland. The current Rebbe is Yaakov Aryeh Alter. Another major group is Belz, established 1817 in namesake Belz, south of Lviv. An Eastern Galician dynasty drawing both from the Seer of Lublin's charismatic-populist style and "rabbinic" Hasidism, it espoused hard-line positions, but broke off from the Orthodox Council of Jerusalem and joined Agudas in 1979. It has between 6,000 and 8,000 affiliated households, and is led by Rebbe Yissachar Dov Rokeach. Yet another large dynasty is Vizhnitz, a charismatic sect founded in 1854 at Vyzhnytsia, Bukovina, to which some 7,000 families belong. A moderate sect involved in Israeli politics, it is split into several branches, which maintain cordial relations. The main partition is between Vizhnitz-Israel and Vizhnitz-Monsey, headed respectively by Rebbes Israel Hager and his uncle Mordecai Hager.

The Bobover dynasty, founded 1881 in Bobowa, West Galicia, claims some 2,000-3,000 households in total and has undergone a bitter succession strife since 2005, eventually forming the "Bobov" and "Bobov-45" sects. Sanz-Klausenburg, divided into a New York and Israeli branches, also purports to preside over 2,000 households. The Skver sect, established in 1848 in Skvyra near Kiev, is likewise claiming 2,000-3,000. The Shomer Emunim dynasties, originating in Jerusalem during the 1920s and known for their unique style of dressing imitating that of the Old Yishuv, have over 1,500-2,000 families, almost all in the larger "courts" of Toldos Aharon and Toldos Avraham Yitzchak. Karlin Stolin, which rose already in the 1760s in a quarter of Pinsk, also encompasses a few thousands of adherents.

There are two other populous Hasidic sub-groups, which do not function as classical Rebbe-headed "courts", but as decentralized movements, retaining some of the characteristics of early Hasidism.[38]Breslov rose under its charismatic leader Nachman of Breslov in the early 19th century. Critical of all other Rebbes, he forbade his followers to appoint a successor upon his death in 1810. His acolytes led small groups of adherents, persecuted by other Hasidim, and disseminated his teachings. The original philosophy of the sect elicited great interest among modern scholars, and that led many newcomers to Orthodox Judaism ("repentants") to join it. Numerous Breslov communities, each led by its own rabbis, now have thousands of full-fledged followers and far more admirers and semi-committed supporters. Chabad-Lubavitch, originating in the 1770s, did have hereditary leadership, but always stressed the importance of self-study rather than reliance on the Righteous. Its seventh and last leader, Menachem Mendel Schneerson, converted it into a vehicle for Jewish outreach. By his death in 1994, it had many more semi-engaged supporters than Hasidim in the strict sense, and they are still hard to distinguish: Estimates for number of Chabad affiliates of all sorts therefore range from 50,000 to 200,000. None succeeded Schneerson, and the sect operates as a large network of communities with independent leaders.

In the late 17th century, several social trends converged among the Jews who inhabited the southern periphery of the PolishLithuanian Commonwealth, especially in contemporary Western Ukraine. These enabled the emergence and flourishing of Hasidism.

The first and most prominent was the popularization of the mystical lore of Kabbalah. For several centuries an esoteric teaching practiced surreptitiously only by a narrow stratum of the highly learned, it was transformed into almost household knowledge by a mass of cheap pamphlets printed by both Jewish and Christian publishers from the beginning of the century. The kabbalistic inundation was a major influence behind the rise of the heretical Sabbatean movement, led by Sabbatai Zevi, who declared himself Messiah in 1665. The propagation of Kabbalah made the Jewish masses susceptible to Hasidic ideas, themselves in essence a popularized version of the teaching indeed, Hasidism actually emerged when its founders determined to openly practice it instead of remaining a secret circle of aesthetics as was the manner of almost all past kabbalists. The correlation between publicizing the lore and Sabbateanism did not escape the rabbinic elite, and caused vehement opposition to the new movement.

Another factor was the decline of the traditional authority structures. Jewish autonomy remained quite secured; later research debunked Simon Dubnow's claim that the Council of Four Lands' demise in 1746 was a culmination of a long process which destroyed judicial independence and paved the way for the Hasidic rebbes to serve as leaders (another long-held explanation for the sect's rise advocated by Raphael Mahler, that the Khmelnytsky Uprising effected economic impoverishment and despair, was also refuted). However, the magnates and nobles held much sway over the nomination of both rabbis and communal elders, to such a degree that the masses often perceived them as mere lackeys of the land owners. Their ability to serve as legitimate arbiters in disputes especially those concerning the regulation of leasehold rights over alcohol distillation and other monopolies in the estates was severely diminished. The reduced prestige of the establishment, and the need for an alternative source of authority to pass judgement, left a vacuum which Hasidic charismatics eventually filled. They transcended old communal institutions, to which all the Jews of a locality were subordinate, and had groups of followers in each town across vast territories. Often supported by rising strata outside the traditional elite, whether nouveau riche or various low-level religious functionaries, they created a modern form of leadership.

Historians discerned other influences. The formative age of Hasidism coincided with the rise of numerous religious revival movements across the world, including the First Great Awakening in New England, German Pietism and the Russian Old Believers who opposed the established church. They all rejected the existing order, decrying it as stale and overly hierarchic. They offered what they described as more spiritual, candid and simple substitutes. Gershon David Hundert noted the considerable similarity between the Hasidic conceptions and this general background, rooting both in the growing importance attributed to the individual's consciousness and choices.[39]

Israel ben Eliezer (ca. 16901760), known as the Baal Shem Tov ("Master of the Good Name", Acronym: "Besht"), is considered the founder of Hasidism. Born apparently south of the Prut, in the northern frontier of Moldavia, he earned a reputation as a Baal Shem, "Master of the Name". These were common folk healers who employed mysticism, amulets and incantations at their trade. Little is known for certain on ben Eliezer. Though no scholar, he was sufficiently learned to become notable in the communal hall of study and marry into the rabbinic elite, his wife being the divorced sister of a rabbi; in his later years he was wealthy and famous, as attested by contemporary chronicles. Apart from that, most is derived from Hasidic hagiographic accounts. These claim that as a boy he was recognized by one "Rabbi Adam Baal Shem Tov" who entrusted him with great secrets of the Torah passed in his illustrious family for centuries. the Besht later spent a decade in the Carpathian Mountains as a hermit, where he was visited by the Biblical prophet Ahijah the Shilonite who taught him more. At the age of thirty-six, he was granted heavenly permission to reveal himself as a great kabbalist and miracle worker.

By the 1740s, it is verified that he relocated to the town of Medzhybizh and became recognized and popular in all Podolia and beyond. It is well attested that he did emphasize several known kabbalistic concepts, formulating a teaching of his own to some degree. The Besht stressed the immanence of God and His presence in the material world, and that therefore, physical acts, such as eating, have actual influence on the spiritual sphere and may serve to hasten the achievement of communion with the divine (devekut). He was known to pray ecstatically and with great intention, again in order to provide channels for the divine light to flow into the earthly realm. The Besht stressed the importance of joy and contentment in the worship of God, rather than the abstinence and self-mortification deemed essential to become a pious mystic, and of fervent and vigorous prayer as a means of spiritual elation instead of severe aestheticism[40] though many of his immediate disciples reverted in part to the older doctrines, especially in disavowing sexual pleasure even in marital relations.[41] In that, the "Besht" laid the foundation for a popular movement, offering a far less rigorous course for the masses to gain a significant religious experience. And yet, he remained the guide of a small society of elitists, in the tradition of former kabbalists, and never led a large public as his successors did. While many later figures cited him as the inspiration behind the full-fledged Hasidic doctrine, the Besht himself did not practice it in his lifetime.[40]

Israel ben Eliezer gathered a considerable following, drawing to himself disciples from far away. They were largely of elitist background, yet adopted the populist approach of their master. The most prominent was Rabbi Dov Ber the Maggid (preacher). He succeeded the former upon his death, though other important acolytes, mainly Jacob Joseph of Polonne, did not accept his leadership. Establishing himself in Mezhirichi, the Maggid turned to greatly elaborate the Besht's rudimentary ideas and institutionalize the nascent circle into an actual movement. Ben Eliezer and his acolytes used the very old and common epithet hasidim, "pious"; in the latter third of the 18th century, a clear differentiation arose between that sense of the word and what was at first described as "New Hasidism", propagated to a degree by the Maggid and especially his successors.[2]

Doctrine coalesced as Jacob Joseph, Dov Ber and the latter's disciple Rabbi Elimelech of Lizhensk composed the three magna opera of early Hasidism, respectively: the 1780 Toldot Ya'akov Yosef, the 1781 Maggid d'varav le-Ya'akov and the 1788 No'am Elimelekh. Other books were also published. Their new teaching had many aspects. The importance of devotion in prayer was stressed to such degree that many waited beyond the prescribed time to properly prepare; the Besht's recommendation to "elevate and sanctify" impure thoughts rather than simply repress them during the service was expanded by Dov Ber into an entire precept, depicting prayer as a mechanism to transform thoughts and feelings from a primal to a higher state in a manner parallel to the unfolding of the Sephirot. But the most important was the notion of the Tzaddiq later designated by the general rabbinic honrific Admor (our master, teacher and rabbi) or by the colloquial Rebbe the Righteous One, the mystic who was able to elate and achieve communion with the divine, but unlike kabbalists past, did not practice it in secret, but as leader of the masses. He was able to bring down prosperity and guidance from the higher Sephirot, and the common people who could not attain such a state themselves would achieve it by "clinging" to and obeying him. The Tzaddiq served as a bridge between the spiritual realm and the ordinary folk, as well as a simple, understandable embodiment of the esoteric teachings of the sect, which were still beyond the reach of most just as old-style Kabbalah before.

The various Hasidic Tzaddiqim, mainly the Maggid's disciples, spread across Eastern Europe with each gathering adherents among the people and learned acolytes who could be initiated as leaders. The Righteous' "courts" in which they resided, attended by their followers to receive blessing and council, became the institutional centers of Hasidism, serving as its branches and organizational core. Slowly, various rites emerged in them, like the Sabbath Tisch or "table", in which the Righteous would hand out food scraps from their meals, considered blessed by the touch of ones imbued with godly Light during their mystical ascensions.[42] Its popular appeal and simplified message allowed the movement to spread rapidly among the masses. Another potent institution was the Shtibel, the private prayer gatherings opened by adherents in every town which served as a recruiting mechanism. The Shtibel differed from the established synagogues and study halls, allowing their members greater freedom to worship when they pleased and also serving recreational and welfare purposes. Its simplified message and alluring doctrines, more appealing to the common man, combined with its honed organizational framework accounted for the exponential growth of Hasidic ranks.[43]

From its original base in Podolia and Volhynia, the movement was rapidly disseminated during the Maggid's lifetime and after his 1772 death. Twenty or so of Dov Ber's prime disciples each brought it to a different region, and their own successors followed: Aharon of Karlin (I), Menachem Mendel of Vitebsk and Shneur Zalman of Liadi were the emissaries to the former Lithuania in the far north, while Menachem Nachum Twersky headed to Chernobyl in the east and Levi Yitzchok of Berditchev remained nearby. Elimelech of Lizhensk, his brother Zusha of Hanipol and Yisroel Hopsztajn established the sect in Poland proper. Vitebsk and Abraham Kalisker later led a small ascension to the Land of Israel, establishing a Hasidic presence in the Galilee.

The spread of Hasidism also incurred organized opposition. Rabbi Elijah of Vilnius, one the greatest authorities of the generation and a hasid and secret kabbalist of the old style, was deeply suspicious of their emphasis on mysticism rather than mundane Torah study, threat to established communal authority, resemblance to the Sabbatean movement and other details he considered infractions. In April 1772, He and the Vilnius community wardens launched a systematic campaign against the sect, placing an anathema upon them, banishing their leaders and sending letters denouncing the movement. Further excommunication followed in Brody and other cities. In 1781, during a second round of hostilities, the books of Jacob Joseph were burned in Vilnius. Another cause for strife emerged when the Hasidim adopted the Lurianic prayer rite, which they revised somewhat to Nusach Sefard; the first edition in Eastern Europe was printed in 1781 and received approbation from the anti-Hasidic scholars of Brody, but the sect quickly embraced the Kabbalah-infused tome and popularized it, making it their symbol. Their rivals, named Misnagdim, "opponents" (a generic term which acquired an independent meaning as Hasidism grew stronger) soon accused them of abandoning the traditional Nusach Ashkenaz.

In 1798, Opponents made accusations of espionage against Shneur Zalman of Liadi and he was imprisoned by the Russian government for two months. Excoriatory polemics were printed and anathemas declared in the entire region. But Elijah's death in 1797 denied the Misnagdim their powerful leader. In 1804, Alexander I of Russia allowed independent prayer groups to operate, the chief vessel through which the movement spread from town to town. The failure to eradicate Hasidism, which acquired a clear self-identity in the struggle and greatly expanded throughout it, convinced its adversaries to adopt a more passive method of resistance, as exemplified by Chaim of Volozhin. The growing conservatism of the new movement which at some occasions drew close to Kabbalah-based antinomian phraseology, as did the Sabbateans, but never crossed the threshold and remained thoroughly observant and the rise of common enemies slowly brought a rapprochement, and by the second half of the 19th century both sides basically considered each other legitimate.

The turn of the century saw several prominent new, fourth-generation tzaddiqim. Upon Elimelech's death in the now-partitioned Poland, his place in Habsburg Galicia was assumed by Menachem Mendel of Rimanov, who was deeply hostile to the modernization the Austrian rulers attempted to force on the traditional Jewish society (though this same process also allowed his sect to flourish, as communal authority was severely weakened). The rabbi of Rimanov hearkened the alliance the hasidim would form with the most conservative elements of the Jewish public. In Central Poland, the new leader was Jacob Isaac Horowiz, the "Seer of Lublin", who was of a particularly populist bent and appealed to the common folk with miracle working and little strenuous spiritual demands. The Seer's senior acolyte, Jacob Isaac Rabinovitz the "Holy Jew" of Przysucha, gradually dismissed his mentor's approach as overly vulgar and adopted a more aesthetic and scholarly approach, virtually without theurgy to the masses. The Holy Jew's "Przysucha School" was continued by his successor Simcha Bunim and especially the reclusive, morose Menachem Mendel of Kotzk. The most controversial fourth-generation tzaddiq was the Podolia-based Nachman of Breslov, who denounced his peers for becoming too institutionalized, much like the old establishment their predecessors challenged decades before, and espoused an anti-rationalist, pessimistic spiritual teaching, very different from the prevalent stress on joy.

The opening of the 19th century saw the Hasidic sect transformed. Once a rising force outside the establishment, the tzaddiqim now became an important and often dominant power in most of Eastern Europe. The slow process of encroachment, which mostly begun with forming an independent Shtibel and culminated in the Righteous becoming an authority figure (either alongside or above the official rabbinate) for the entire community, overwhelmed many towns even in Misnagdic stronghold of Lithuania, far more so in Congress Poland and the vast majority in Podolia, Volhynia and Galicia. It began to make inroads into Bukovina, Bessarabia and the westernmost frontier of autochthonic pre-WWII Hasidism, in northeastern Hungary, where the Seer's disciple Moses Teitelbaum (I) was appointed in Ujhely.

Less than three generations after the Besht's death, the sect grew to encompass hundreds of thousands by 1830. As a mass movement, a clear stratification emerged between the court's functionaries and permanent residents (yoshvim, "sitters"), the devoted followers who would often visit the Righteous on Sabbath, and the large public which prayed at Sefard Rite synagogues and was minimally affiliated.

All this was followed by a more conservative approach and power bickering among the Righteous. Since the Maggid's death, none could claim the overall leadership. Among the several dozens active, each ruled over his own turf, and local traditions and customs began to emerge in the various courts which developed their own identity. The high mystical tension typical of a new movement subsided, and was soon replaced by more hierarchical, orderly atmosphere.

The most important aspect of the routinization Hasidism underwent was the adoption of dynasticism. The first to claim legitimacy by right of descent from the Besht was his grandson, Boruch of Medzhybizh, appointed 1782. He held a lavish court with Hershel of Ostropol as jester, and demanded the other Righteous acknowledge his supremacy. Upon the death of Menachem Nachum Twersky of Chernobyl, his son Mordechai Twersky succeeded him. The principle was conclusively affirmed in the great dispute after Liadi's demise in 1813: his senior acolyte Aharon HaLevi of Strashelye was defeated by his son, Dovber Schneuri, whose offspring retained the title for 181 years.

By the 1860s, virtually all courts were dynastic. Rather than single tzaddiqim with followings of their own, each sect would command a base of rank-and-file hasidim attached not just to the individual leader, but to the bloodline and the court's unique attributes. Israel Friedman of Ruzhyn insisted on royal splendour, resided in a palace and his six sons all inherited some of his followers. With the constraints of maintaining their gains replacing the dynamism of the past, the Righteous or "Rebbes"/"Admorim" also silently retreated from the overt, radical mysticism of their predecessors. While populist miracle working for the masses remained a key theme in many dynasties, a new type of "Rebbe-Rabbi" emerged, one who was both a completely traditional halakhic authority as well as a spiritualist. The tension with the Misnagdim subsided significantly.[17][44]

But it was an external threat, more than anything else, that mended relations. While traditional Jewish society remained well entrenched in backward Eastern Europe, reports of the rapid acculturation and religious laxity in the West troubled both camps. When the Haskalah, the Jewish Enlightenment, appeared in Galicia and Congress Poland in the 1810s, it was soon perceived as a dire threat. The maskilim themselves detested Hasidism as an anti-rationalist and barbaric phenomenon, as did Western Jews of all shades, including the most right-wing Orthodox such as Rabbi Azriel Hildesheimer.[45] In Galicia especially, hostility towards it defined the Haskalah to a large extent, from the staunchly observant Rabbi Zvi Hirsch Chajes and Joseph Perl to the radical anti-Talmudists like Osias Schorr. The Enlightened, who revived Hebrew grammar, often mocked their rivals' lack of eloquence in the language. While a considerable proportion of the Misnagdim were not adverse to at least some of their goals, the rebbes were unremittingly hostile.

The most distinguished Hasidic leader in Galicia in the era was Chaim Halberstam, who combined talmudic erudition and the status of a major decisor with his function as tzaddiq. He symbolized the new era, brokering peace between the small Hasidic sect in Hungary to its opponents. At that country, where modernization and assimilation were much more imminent than in the East, the local Righteous joined forces with those now termed Orthodox against the rising liberals. Rabbi Moses Sofer of Pressburg, while no friend to Hasidism, tolerated it as he combated the forces which sought modernization of the Jews; a generation later, in the 1860s, the rebbes and the zealot ultra-Orthodox Hillel Lichtenstein allied closely.

Around the mid-19th century, over a hundred dynastic courts related by marriage were the main religious power in the territory enclosed between Hungary, former Lithuania, Prussia and inner Russia, with considerable presence in the former two. In Central Poland, the pragmatist, rationalist Przysucha school thrived: Yitzchak Meir Alter founded the court of Ger in 1859, and in 1876 Jechiel Danziger established Alexander. In Galicia and Hungary, apart from Halberstam's House of Sanz, Tzvi Hirsh of Zidichov's descendants each pursued a mystical approach in the dynasties of Zidichov, Komarno and so forth. In 1817, Sholom Rokeach became the first Rebbe of Belz. At Bukovina, the Hager line of Kosov-Vizhnitz was the largest court.

The Haskalah was always a minor force, but the Jewish national movements which emerged in the 1880s, as well as Socialism, proved much more appealing to the young. Progressive strata condemned Hasidism as a primitive relic, strong, but doomed to disappear, as Eastern European Jewry underwent slow yet steady secularization. The gravity of the situation was attested to by the foundation of Hasidic yeshivas (in the modern, boarding school-equivalent sense) to enculturate the young and preserve their loyalty: The first was established at Nowy Winicz by Rabbi Shlomo Halberstam (I) in 1881. These institutions were originally utilized by the Misnagdim to inoculate their youth from Hasidic influence, but now, the latter faced a similar crisis. One of the most contentious issues in this respect was Zionism; the Ruzhin dynasties were quite favourably disposed toward it, while Hungarian and Galician courts reviled it.

Outside pressure was mounting in the early 20th century. In 1912, many Hasidic leaders partook in the creation of the Agudas Israel party, a political instrument intended to safeguard what was now named Orthodox Judaism even in the relatively traditional East; the more hard-line dynasties, mainly Galician and Hungarian, opposed the Aguda as too lenient. Mass immigration to America, urbanization, World War I and the subsequent Russian Civil War uprooted the shtetls in which the local Jews lived for centuries and were the bedrock of Hasidism. In the new Soviet Union, civil equality first achieved and a harsh repression of religion caused a rapid secularization. Few remaining Hasidim, especially of Chabad, continued to practice underground for decades. In the new states of the Interbellum era, the process was only somewhat slower. On the eve of World War II, strictly observant Jews were estimated to constitute no more than a third of the total Jewish population in Poland, the world's most Orthodox country.[46] While the Rebbes still had a vast base of support, it was aging and declining.

The Holocaust hit the Hasidim, easily identifiable and almost unable to disguise themselves among the larger populace due to cultural insularity, particularly hard. Hundreds of leaders perished with their flock, while the flight of many notable ones as their followers were being exterminated especially Aharon Rokeach of Belz and Joel Teitelbaum of Satmar elicited bitter recrimination. In the immediate post-war years, the entire movement seemed to teeter on the precipice of oblivion. In Israel, the United States, and Western Europe, the survivors' children were at best becoming Modern Orthodox. While a century earlier the Haskalah depicted it as a medieval, malicious power, now it was so weakened that the popular cultural image was sentimental and romantic, what Joseph Dan termed "Frumkinian Hasidism" for it began with the short stories of Michael Levi Rodkinson (Frumkin). Martin Buber was the major contributor to this trend, portraying the sect as a model of a healthy folk consciousness. "Frumkinian" style was very influential, later inspiring the so-called "Neo-Hasidism", and also utterly ahistorical.[47]

Yet, the movement proved more resilient than expected. Talented and charismatic Hasidic masters emerged, who reinvigorated their following and drew new crowds. In New York, the Satmar Rebbe Joel Teitelbaum formulated a fiercely anti-Zionist Holocaust theology and founded an insular, self-sufficient community which attracted many immigrants from Greater Hungary; already by 1961, 40% of families were newcomers.[48]Yisrael Alter of Ger created robust institutions, fortified his court's standing in Agudas Israel and held tisch every week for 29 years. He halted the hemorrhage of his followers and retrieved many Litvaks (the contemporary, less adverse epithet for Misnagdim) and Religious Zionists whose parents were Gerrer Hasidim before the war. Chaim Meir Hager similarly restored Vizhnitz. Moses Isaac Gewirtzman founded the new Pshevorsk (Hasidic dynasty) in Antwerp.

The most explosive growth was experienced in Chabad-Lubavitch, whose head Menachem Mendel Schneerson adopted a modern (he and his disciples ceased wearing the customary Shtreimel) and outreach-centered orientation. At a time when most Orthodox and Hasidim in particular rejected proselytization, he turned his sect into a mechanism devoted almost solely to it, blurring the difference between actual Hasidim and loosely affiliated supporters until researchers could scarcely define it as a regular Hasidic group. Another phenomenon was the revival of Breslov, which remained without an acting Tzaddiq since the rebellious Rebbe Nachman's 1810 death. Its complex, existentialist philosophy drew many to it.

Exorbitant fertility rates, increasing tolerance and multiculturalism on behalf of surrounding society and the great wave of newcomers to Orthodox Judaism which began in the 1970s all cemented the movement's status as very much alive and thriving. The clearest indication for that, noted Joseph Dan, was the disappearance of the "Frumkinian" narrative which inspired much sympathy towards it from non-Orthodox Jews and others, as actual Hasidism returned to the fore.[47] As numbers grew, "courts" were again torn apart by schisms between Rebbes' sons vying for power, a common occurrence during the golden age of the 19th century.

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Ashkenazi Jewish Genetic Diseases – Jewish Virtual Library

Posted By on May 22, 2017

A number of genetic disorders occur more frequently in certain ethnic populations. In the Ashkenazi Jewish population (those of Eastern European descent), it has been estimated that one in four individuals is a carrier of one of several genetic conditions. These diseases include Tay-Sachs Disease, Canavan, Niemann-Pick, Gaucher, Familial Dysautonomia, Bloom Syndrome, Fanconi anemia, Cystic Fibrosis and Mucolipidosis IV. Some of these diseases may be severe and may result in the early death of a child. Carrier screening is available for all of these diseases with a simple blood test.

- How are These Diseases Inherited? - What are the Diseases? - What if Both Parents are Carriers? - Resources on Genetic Diseases?

In the nucleus of every cell in the body there are 46 chromosomes. Each chromosome is a package that holds many genes. Our genes contain DNA, the set of instructions that makes up who we are. All chromosomes (and the genes that are on those chromosomes) come in pairs. We receive one member of each pair of chromosomes from our mother and the other member of the pair from our father. Sometimes there is a change in a gene (called a mutation) that causes the gene to malfunction.

All of the above-mentioned conditions are inherited in an autosomal recessive manner. This means that an affected person has a change in both genes of the pair of genes, one change inherited from each parent. Neither gene in the pair is working properly, which causes the symptoms of the disease.

A carrier is someone who has a change in only one gene of the pair of genes. Carriers are healthy individuals who are only at risk for passing the gene change on to their children. Most often these diseases occur in families with no prior history of the disease.

Tay-Sachs Disease A condition where children develop normally until about four to six months of age. It is at this time that the central nervous system begins to degenerate. Individuals with Tay-Sachs Disease lack an enzyme called hexosaminidase (Hex A). The child loses all motor skills and becomes blind, deaf and unresponsive. Death usually occurs by the age of four. The carrier rate in the Ashkenazi Jewish population is approximately 1 in 25. More rare than the infantile type is Late Onset Tay-Sachs Disease, where the progression of symptoms is slower and milder.

Canavan Disease Very similar to Tay-Sachs Disease, with normal development until age two to four months, followed by progressive loss of previously attained skills. Most individuals with Canavan Disease die by the age of five. An estimated 1 in 40 Ashkenazi Jews is a carrier for this disease.

Niemann-Pick Disease Type A A disease in which a harmful amount of a fatty substance accumulates in different parts of the body. Failure to thrive and a progressive neurodegenerative course lead to death by three years of age. The carrier rate in the Ashkenazi Jewish population is approximately 1 in 90.

Gaucher Disease Type 1 (Pronounced go-shay) is a variable condition, both in age of onset and in progression of symptoms. A painful, enlarged and overactive spleen, with anemia and low white blood cell count are usually the initial features of Gaucher Disease. Bone deterioration is a major cause of discomfort and disability. Approximately 1 in 14 Ashkenazi Jews is a carrier of this condition. Treatment is available.

Familial Dysautonomia A disease that causes the autonomic and sensory nervous systems to malfunction. This affects the regulation of body temperature, blood pressure, stress response, normal swallowing and digestion. An estimated 1 in 30 Ashkenazi Jews is a carrier of FD.

Bloom Syndrome Characterized by short stature, sun-sensitive facial skin lesions, an increased susceptibility to infections and a higher incidence of leukemia and certain cancers. The carrier rate is about 1 in 100 in the Ashkenazi Jewish population.

Fanconi anemia Type C A disease associated with short stature, bone marrow failure and a predisposition to leukemia and other cancers. Some children may have learning difficulties or mental retardation. Approximately 1 in 89 Ashkenazi Jews is a carrier for this condition.

Mucolipidosis IV Caused by the accumulation of certain harmful substances throughout the body. Individuals with ML IV experience a range of levels of motor and mental retardation, with developmental delays often manifesting themselves as early as the first year of life. Other symptoms can be related to the eyes, such as corneal clouding, pseudostrabismus and retinal degeneration.

Cystic Fibrosis A multi-system disorder that causes the body to produce a thick mucus. The mucus accumulates primarily in the lungs and the digestive tract, resulting in chronic lung infections and poor growth. CF does not affect intelligence. The carrier rate for CF among all Caucasian individuals is approximately 1 in 25. The CF carrier test has a detection rate of 97% in the Ashkenazi Jewish population.

If two carriers of the same disorder have children, there is a 25% chance of having an affected child, a 50% chance of having a child who is a carrier like themselves, and a 25% chance of having a child who is neither affected nor a carrier. If an individual is found to be a carrier, genetic counseling is available at many clinics throughout the country to discuss the implications of this finding. If partners are found to be carriers of the same disorder(s), a genetic counselor can provide information and support, which may be helpful in making important family planning decisions.

The results of these tests are highly accurate. However, there is a slight possibility that someone who tests negative for being a carrier could still be a carrier. There may be rare mutations that DNA testing may not pick up.

- Jewish Genetic Disease Screening Program, Albert Einstein Medical Center - Chicago Center for Jewish Genetic Disorders - Mount Sinai School of Medicine Center for Jewish Genetic Diseases - Canavan Foundation - National Tay-Sachs & Allied Diseases Association - Fanconi Anemia Research Fund - National Gaucher Foundation - National Niemann-Pick Foundation - Late Onset Tay-Sachs Foundation - Dysautonomia Foundation - Familial Dysautonomia Hope Foundation - Mucolipidosis IV Foundation - Cystic Fibrosis Foundation - National Society of Genetic Counselors - Genetic Alliance

Sources: Victor Center for Jewish Genetic Diseases

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Ashkenazi Jewish Genetic Diseases - Jewish Virtual Library

Ashkenazi Hebrew – Wikipedia

Posted By on May 22, 2017

Ashkenazi Hebrew (Hebrew: Hagiyya Ashkenazit, Yiddish: ), is the pronunciation system for Biblical and Mishnaic Hebrew favored for liturgical use and study by Ashkenazi Jewish practice. It survives today as a separate religious dialect within some parts of the Haredi community, even alongside Modern Hebrew in Israel, although its use amongst non-Israeli Ashkenazi Jews has greatly diminished.

As it is used parallel with Modern Hebrew, its phonological differences are clearly recognized:

There are considerable differences between the Lithuanian, Polish (also known as Galician), Hungarian, and German pronunciations.

In addition to geographical differences, there are differences in register between the "natural" pronunciation in general use and the more prescriptive rules advocated by some rabbis and grammarians, particularly for use in reading the Torah. For example:

There have been several theories on the origins of the different Hebrew reading traditions. The basic cleavage is between those who believe that the differences arose in medieval Europe and those who believe that they reflect older differences between the pronunciations of Hebrew and Aramaic current in different parts of the Fertile Crescent, that is to say Judaea, Galilee, Syria, northern Mesopotamia and Babylonia proper. Within the first group of theories, Zimmels believed that the Ashkenazi pronunciation arose in late medieval Europe and that the pronunciation prevailing in France and Germany in the time of the Tosafists was similar to the Sephardic. His evidence for this was the fact that Asher ben Jehiel, a German who became chief rabbi of Toledo, never refers to any difference of pronunciation, though he is normally very sensitive to differences between the two communities.[citation needed]

The difficulty with the second group of theories is that we do not know for certain what the pronunciations of these countries actually were and how far they differed. Since the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492, if not before, the Sephardic pronunciation of the vowels became standard in all these countries, ironing out any differences that previously existed.[3] This makes it harder to adjudicate between the different theories on the relationship between today's pronunciation systems and those of ancient times.

Leopold Zunz believed that the Ashkenazi pronunciation was derived from that of Palestine in Geonic times (7th11th centuries CE), while the Sephardi pronunciation was derived from that of Babylonia. This theory was supported by the fact that, in some respects, Ashkenazi Hebrew resembles the western dialect of Syriac while Sephardi Hebrew resembles the eastern, e.g. Eastern Syriac Peshitta as against Western Syriac Peshito. Ashkenazi Hebrew in its written form also resembles Palestinian Hebrew in its tendency to male spellings (see Mater lectionis).

Others, including Abraham Zevi Idelsohn, believed that the distinction is more ancient, and represents the distinction between the Judaean and Galilean dialects of Hebrew in Mishnaic times (1st2nd centuries CE), with the Sephardi pronunciation being derived from Judaean and the Ashkenazi from Galilean. This theory is supported by the fact that Ashkenazi Hebrew, like Samaritan Hebrew, has lost the distinct sounds of many of the guttural letters, while there are references in the Talmud to this as a feature of Galilean speech. Idelsohn ascribes the Ashkenazi (and, on his theory, Galilean) pronunciation of kamatz gadol as [o] to the influence of Phoenician: see Canaanite shift.

In the time of the Masoretes (8th10th centuries CE) there were three distinct notations for denoting vowels and other details of pronunciation in Biblical and liturgical texts. One was the Babylonian; another was the Palestinian; the third was the Tiberian, which eventually superseded the other two and is still in use today.

In certain respects the Ashkenazi pronunciation provides a better fit to the Tiberian notation than do the other reading traditions: for example, it distinguishes between pata and qama gadol, and between segol and ere, and does not make the qama symbol do duty for two different sounds. A distinctive variant of the Tiberian notation was in fact used by Ashkenazim, before being superseded by the standard version. On the other hand it is unlikely that in the Tiberian system ere and olam were diphthongs as they are in Ashkenazi Hebrew: they are more likely to have been closed vowels. (On the other hand, these vowels sometimes correspond to diphthongs in Arabic.) For more details of the reconstructed pronunciation underlying the Tiberian notation, see Tiberian vocalization.

In other respects Ashkenazi Hebrew resembles Yemenite Hebrew, which appears to be related to the Babylonian notation. Shared features include the pronunciation of qama gadol as [o] and, in the case of Lithuanian Jews and some but not all Yemenites, of olam as [e]. These features are not found in the Hebrew pronunciation of today's Iraqi Jews, which as explained has been overlaid by Sephardi Hebrew, but are found in some of the Judeo-Aramaic languages of northern Iraq and in some dialects of Syriac.

Another possibility is that these features were found within an isogloss that included Syria, northern Palestine and northern Mesopotamia but not Judaea or Babylonia proper, and did not coincide exactly with the use of any one notation (and the olam = [e] shift may have applied to a more restricted area than the qama gadol = [o] shift). The Yemenite pronunciation would, on this hypothesis, be derived from that of northern Mesopotamia and the Ashkenazi pronunciation from that of northern Palestine. The Sephardic pronunciation appears to be derived from that of Judaea, as evidenced by its fit to the Palestinian notation.

According to the Maharal of Prague[4] and many other scholars,[5] including Rabbi Yaakov Emden, one of the leading Hebrew grammarians of all time,[6] Ashkenazi Hebrew is the most accurate pronunciation of Hebrew preserved. The reason given is that it preserves distinctions, such as between pata and qama, which are not reflected in the Sephardic and other dialects. Only in the Ashkenazi pronunciation are all seven "nequdot" (the Hebrew vowels of the ancient Tiberian tradition) distinguished: Yemenite, which comes close, does not distinguish pata from segol.

On the other hand, this view does not appear to be supported by any non-Ashkenazi scholars. Some scholars argue in favour of the greater authenticity of the Yemenite pronunciation on the ground that it is the only Hebrew pronunciation to distinguish all the consonants.

Although Modern Hebrew was intended to be based on Mishnaic spelling and Sephardi Hebrew pronunciation, the language as spoken in Israel has adapted to popular Ashkenazi Hebrew phonology in the following respects:

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Vets, Holocaust survivors meet students at Jewish American Heritage event – Sun Sentinel

Posted By on May 22, 2017

Students from Hallandale High School in Hallandale Beach and West Broward High School in Pembroke Pines met with Holocaust survivors and Jewish War Veterans for a Jewish American Heritage Month event at the Posnack Jewish Community Center in Davie.

The event, attended by 53 students selected from teachers from both schools, was organized by U.S. Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-23) as one of many events taking place in May to commemorate JAHM.

"Jewish American Heritage Month was created to promote the contributions of American Jews to our country. JAHM began with stories of immigrants to our country and we are lucky to have people here today to share those experiences," said Wasserman Schultz in her opening remarks to the students.

"We honor both the Holocaust survivors and Jewish War Veterans in learning of their contributions and to be aware that acts of anti-Semitism are still taking place in our time. The Posnack Jewish Community Center, where we are today, had to be evacuated twice recently."

"This is the second time we are honoring both Holocaust survivors and Jewish War Veterans and we will continue to do so annually as a Jewish American Heritage Month event," said Wasserman Schultz.

Students listened to the testimonies of both survivors and veterans in tables in which survivors and veterans were paired in intimate conversations with the students.

Sharing stories of courage and survival in the Holocaust were survivors Anya Baum, Mary Eckstein, Norman Frajman, Roman Haar, Joseph Henner, Basia McDonnell, Sam Schleider and Fran Zatz.

Jewish War Veterans at the JAHM event were William Bregman, Stephen Moss, Stan Pannaman, Richard Rosensweig and Jack Shifel.

Survivors discussed their experiences as children of many near death experiences and the kindness of strangers who helped them.

"We were all lucky to have survived. None of us could have planned what to do to escape the Holocaust. It was a matter of luck to be alive," said Eckstein.

Veterans discussed their experiences of serving in World War II, the Korean War and the Vietnam War.

"I was lucky not to be in combat in the Vietnam War, but so many of the veterans who came back were and are suffering from Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD)," said Shifel.

Frajman illustrated his ordeals as a survivor by showing the students his striped jacket issued to him by the Nazis in a concentration camp.

"This jacket is a witness to all the atrocities that took place in the Holocaust," said Frajman, whose mother and sister were murdered along with more than 100 members of his family in the Holocaust.

"There are three words that best describe the era Hell on Earth," said Frajman.

Frajman survived the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, four concentration camps (many as a slave laborer) and a Death March before being liberated by the Russians at age 15.

"I wept in tears immediately at my table after hearing Mr. Frajman's testimonial. It was crazy and so sad. What did he do to go through all the suffering," said 11th grade student Destiny Greggs of Hallandale High.

"I am grateful to have heard his testimony for a day that I will never forget," said Greggs.

"The lessons of the Holocaust must be that we never repeat the same events again," said Henner.

"I learned that the world is not perfect today and maybe never was. We must all strive to work together to make a better world for all of us," said 11th grade student Natalia Amay of West Broward High School.

Wasserman Schultz is credited, along with the late Sen. Arlen Specter, a Republican-turned-Democrat from Pennsylvania and the Jewish Museum of Florida, with founding the annual JAHM celebrations, beginning in 2006.

To learn more about Jewish American Heritage Month, go to http://www.jewishameriicanheritagemonth.us.

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