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German bank freezes account of anti-Zionist Jewish association – Anadolu Agency | English

Posted By on March 30, 2024

BERLIN

A bank in Germany froze the account of the anti-Zionist Jewish association Jewish Voice for a Just Peace in the Middle East on Wednesday and requested a list of its members and their addresses.

The association said that Berliner Sparkasse blocked their account without prior notice for updating customer information.

The bank said in a letter to the association's board that the move was "precautionary" and requested various documents, including a list of its members' names and addresses to be submitted by April 5.

The association questioned the bank's authority to freeze accounts without explanation, highlighting the unusual request for the list.

It suggested that such a demand resembles inquiries made by intelligence agencies or police exerting political pressure on the Jewish association.

The associations account was closed in 2019 due to pressure from the Central Council of Jews in Germany, it noted.

It highlighted the increasing political persecution amid diminishing global support for Israel's policies in the West Bank and Gaza.

Despite lacking broad public support, Germany remains a "strong ally of Israel," collaborating on controversial policies, it said.

The statement highlighted that the timing of the account blockage by Berliner Sparkasse coincided with plans for a "Palestine Congress" in Berlin from April 12-14 aimed at raising awareness about ongoing Israeli military violations in Gaza and Germany's role in the conflict.

Conventional methods like cancellations or denials of venues would not work against the congresss organizers, who claim to be "politically independent," it said.

The congress's finances, generated through ticket sales and donations, were the reason behind opening the account, leading to its blocking.

Despite the potential loss of the account, the organization remains "undeterred," saying their stance against genocide stems from Jewish values and is not reliant on financial resources. Membership continues to grow despite pressure.

The organization is pursuing legal action against the arbitrary and politically motivated account blockage, deemed "unacceptable in a democracy."

Previously, the association protested Israeli attacks on the Gaza Strip in a demonstration held in Berlin.

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German bank freezes account of anti-Zionist Jewish association - Anadolu Agency | English

‘If the Hostages Were Religious Zionists or Haredim, They Would All Be Home by Now’ – Israel News – Haaretz

Posted By on March 30, 2024

News Life and Culture Columnists and Opinion Haaretz Hebrew and TheMarker Partnerships

Haaretz.com, the online English edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, gives you breaking news, analyses and opinions about Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish World. Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights Reserved

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'If the Hostages Were Religious Zionists or Haredim, They Would All Be Home by Now' - Israel News - Haaretz

Zionism and Liberalism Can Remain Strong Bedfellows – Jewish Journal

Posted By on March 30, 2024

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Zionism and Liberalism Can Remain Strong Bedfellows - Jewish Journal

‘Don’t Flaunt Your Zionism’ | Israel Issues Travel Warnings to Muslim-majority Countries – and the Eurovision – Israel News – Haaretz

Posted By on March 30, 2024

News Life and Culture Columnists and Opinion Haaretz Hebrew and TheMarker Partnerships

Haaretz.com, the online English edition of Haaretz Newspaper in Israel, gives you breaking news, analyses and opinions about Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish World. Haaretz Daily Newspaper Ltd. All Rights Reserved

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'Don't Flaunt Your Zionism' | Israel Issues Travel Warnings to Muslim-majority Countries - and the Eurovision - Israel News - Haaretz

Opinion | American Jews, Liberalism and Zionism – The New York Times

Posted By on March 30, 2024

To the Editor:

Re American Jews in the Age of Palestine, by Peter Beinart (Opinion guest essay, March 24):

There is a fundamental flaw in the article. Zionism does not require backing the Israeli government; it does assume backing for the State of Israel.

The nation is and has been divided, and choosing to support the liberal elements of Israeli society, during a period when the ultra right controls the government, is not a rupture. It is a choice to support what many of us believe to be Jewish values, with the domination of the Palestinians being un-Jewish.

Yes, there is a rupture between Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Jewish diaspora, but that does not translate to a rupture with Israel, at least not yet.

Steven Goldberg Brooklyn

To the Editor:

Peter Beinart claims that the Anti-Defamation League is aligning itself with Republicans who want to silence woke activists on campus. Thats a distortion of our record. Since 1913, the ADL has hewed to a strictly nonpartisan strategy in calling out antisemitism whether it emanates from the far left or the extreme right, or anywhere in between.

Moreover, Mr. Beinarts assertion that we are stifling pro-Palestinian speech is ludicrous. Since Oct. 7, there have been at least 2,874 anti-Israel rallies across the U.S., many held on or near campuses. Theres no shortage of sit-ins, opinion essays, protests and other public manifestations on behalf of the Palestinian cause.

Students are entitled to their First Amendment right to protest, but when free speech devolves into intimidation and threats, we must call it out without hesitation. At stake are the safety and security of Jewish students.

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Opinion | American Jews, Liberalism and Zionism - The New York Times

Context on Zionism and the war in Gaza – The Justice

Posted By on March 30, 2024

While for many on this campus it remains constantly in our minds, the recent vigil held by Students Justice in Palestine has brought the war in Gaza back into the center of discussion on campus.

Supporters of the Palestinian people have every right to state their views on the matter and to share their anguish at the suffering of civilians in Gaza. My goal in this piece is not to dismiss their views or Palestinian voices, but to provide another perspective and a path forward.

I would like to begin with two caveats. The first, is that I am only a student at this university, not an expert on Israeli history. A more knowledgeable and eloquent voice I recommend is Letters to my Palestinian Neighbor, written by Yossi Klien Halevi in 2018.

The second is a statement of personal bias. I consider myself a Zionist, though I am critical of many Israeli policies, especially West Bank settlements, and I am a believer in a two state solution.

Zionism is the desire for the existence of a Jewish state, specifically in Israel, our historic homeland. Everything on top of this is politics and is not inherent to belief in Zionism. Theodore Hertzel, the founding thinker of Zionism, knew that in the face of the eternal specter of antisemitism,

Jews needed a place where they would be protected without relying on the fragile goodwill of gentile leaders. In this belief he was joined by many great thinkers, including Justice Brandeis, one of the most famous American Zionists. Brandeis viewed Zionism as, On the whole, the most worthwhile of all I have attempted. It was never the intent of pre-1948 Zionism to expel the Palistinians, only to have a state for Jews.

Of course, none of this delegitimizes Palestinian nationhood and historical connection to the region. Efforts by both sides to deny the truth of the others national identity is a roadblock that must be overcome for any possible peace.

Moving beyond Hertzels hopeful ideal Israel to the reality on the ground, any discussion of Israels treatment of Palistinians in practice will inevitably come to the issue of settlement and occupation in the West Bank.

To oversimplify a highly complex issue, the status quo that settlers exploit and that is the basis for accusations of apartheid in the West Bank stems from the failure of peace talks in the middle of an intended multi-step process.

Settlements were meant to be eventually incorporated into Israel, so the Jews living there are Israeli citizens.

The surrounding Palestinian lands were supposed to form a new state under Palestinian leadership, and so they are not. The Palestinian-Israelis living within Israels post-1967 borders have full legal rights, though like American minorities they face systemic racism that must not be ignored.

Gaza is a different story. It was ceded by Israel in 2005, with Jewish settlers being forcibly removed by the Israel Defense Forces. Hamas took control in 2007 and since then has used the strip as a staging ground for their terrorist activities.

In response, Israel and Egypt have blockaded Gaza for years which is legal under international law. Hamas is an organization of religious zealots whose sole goal is the destruction of Israel and the murder of Jews.

This is the fifth conflict with Israel they have started, the results of which has only been civilian suffering. They have used the money given to Gaza to enrich their leaders instead of aiding the people, and to build 300 miles of tunnels instead of schools and hospitals.

These tunnels connect to hospitals and their leaders live next to schools. Weapon stores are intentionally placed in crowded civilian areas. This is in large part why so many civilians have died in the recent conflict, but does not justify it.

The attack on Oct. 7 was an unjustified act of violence and hate. It is indefensible. Israel responding with military action was justified.

The civilian casualties, however, are nothing short of horrific and are indefensible as well. A ceasefire is needed, and needed now. But a ceasefire is a mutual agreement.

Hamas is equally responsible for the prolonging of the conflict by refusing to release the hostages and surrender, showing once again that they do not care for the lives of the innocent people they govern.

Blame for the suffering also lies with Egypt, which has refused to accept refugees from Gaza.

Israel says that their aim is to destroy Hamas, but even if they succeed, it will not bring peace to the region.

The only solution, both in Gaza and the West Bank, is a free Palestine alongside a Jewish state, and the only way that will be achieved is through dialogue and mutual concessions.Violence is easy, peace is hard. But I do believe that it is possible.

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Context on Zionism and the war in Gaza - The Justice

From ‘Zionist Dream’ to Dissent: An Interview with a Former IDF Captain on Israeli Military Culture, Personal … – JURIST

Posted By on March 30, 2024

Yonatan Shapira is an ex-captain and pilot in the Israeli Air Force. In 2003, he helped coordinate the circulation of a letter that was signed by 27 Israeli Air Force pilots expressing their refusal to engage in Israeli military actions targeting Palestinians. Additionally, Shapira has endorsed the domestic Israeli movement supporting Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS), which is commonly referred to as Boycott from Within.

This interview with former Captain Shapira comes in the aftermath of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) issuing its strongest directive yet in the Israel-Hamas War on Thursday, instructing Israel to take tangible measures to guarantee the delivery of humanitarian assistance to Gaza to curb the onset of famine amidst the countrys assault on Gaza in the aftermath of the October 7 attacks. These measures include collaborating with the UN and expanding the number of aid crossing points. This ruling stems from a case initiated by South Africa which accused Israel of genocidean accusation that Israel has vehemently refuted. In a previous ruling in January, the court instructed Israel to facilitate increased aid to access to Gaza. However, according to the courts recent statement, the living conditions of Palestinians in Gaza have worsened significantly since then, prompting this latest, forceful directive.

Yonatan Shapira spoke with JURISTs Deputy Managing Editor for Interviews, Pitasanna Shanmugathas, about his life growing up in Israel, his activities as a soldier in the Israeli Air Force, his disillusionment with Israels policies, his activities as a dissident within and outside Israel, and his thoughts on the mindset of Israeli soldiers and society since the October 7 attacks.

Shanmugathas: Mr. Yonatan Shapira, you were born and raised in Israel, can you talk about what life was like in Israel for you growing up?

Yonatan Shapira: I was born in a very Zionist family, I grew up in a military base for the first years of my life, as my father was a squadron commander in the Air Force. Then we moved to the suburbs of Tel Aviv, where I grew up in a neighborhood with lots of military career people. Very much kind of equal to the Israeli Labor Party; socialism, or at least pretending of socialist values, with a very nationalistic attitude to everything that has to do with the State of Israel, but with a self-image of a peaceful, loving society.

Shanmugathas: When you were growing up, was there ever any discussion among regular Israelisthe adults, the childrenabout the Palestinians as a people?

Shapira: Israel is a country surrounded by Arabs; Palestine, or the term Palestinians was not used. So, everyone used the term Arab Israelis. The only thing resembling Palestine or Palestinians was Palestina, which was the name that the place was called during the British Mandate before 1948. So, there wasnt much discussion at all. The historical narrative completely neglected the Nakba of 1948, the destroyed villages, and the exiled refugees. It was almost poetic, in a way, how we were raised to think about peace, love, and all these beautiful values of equality and striving for peace between nations, while completely ignoring the horrific reality. So, I didnt know anything about the Nakba, the refugees, the Judaization of the land, or the expulsion of the Palestinian population, all these issues. It was like living in a Zionist dream, where we always extended our hand for peace, but the Arabs were portrayed as missing every opportunity for peace. There was peace with Egypt when I was around six or seven years old, and I thought that was great and felt super happy about it, but it was from a very ignorant point of view.

Shanmugathas: When you were going to school in Israel as a youth, how was the founding of the State of Israel taught to students in history class?

Shapira: The same way it is taught now. Of course, a lot about the Holocaust and the problem of Jews around the world, with Israel presented as the solution. The ongoing wars that Israel is pushed or forced to fight because the countries around Israel do not accept its presence, nothing about what really happened before and after 1948. What I have to emphasize is that because of the section of society I came from, which was kind of the Labor society left movement, I participated in youth movements and activities that were all about peace and promoting beautiful values. For example, from a very young age, I was against the occupation in Gaza and the West Bank settlements, and I was even opposed to the war in Lebanon and Israels presence there. So, I held these kinds of Zionist left-leaning opinions, like my mother and many other people around me, but I didnt entirely understand the real situation on the ground. Additionally, this didnt change my desire to enlist in the military and become the best soldier in the world.

Shanmugathas: Your father flew fighter jets in the October War of 1973, the Yom Kippur War.

Shapira: He was a Squadron Commander in 73, and I was just a year and a half old.

Shanmugathas: So, I assume you grew up hearing a lot of war stories? How did your father feel about what Israel did during the Yom Kippur War and his military service?

Shapira: I grew up looking at the photo albums from the wars; there was a cabinet in the living room with all these Air Force war albums. I remember myself as a child, looking at all the tough-looking pilots in the pictures and knowing that it was very dangerous. Since we have a very strong military, Israel managed to fight back and keep us safe. No one told me about [Israeli Prime Minister] Golda Meirs refusal to negotiate with all the Arab countries or all the tricks and stuff with [US Secretary of State] [Henry] Kissinger in the US; it was not part of my upbringing at all. I had to learn all these things, way, way later, when I started realizing that there were lots of lies, more lies than truth, during my upbringing.

Shanmugathas: Your father wasnt aware of the background deception that was going on with Golda Meir and Kissinger? He thought what he did during the Yom Kippur War was a good thing?

Shapira: Of course! He was upset with Golda Meir that they didnt strike earlier. [He] was not upset about her refusal to negotiate with Egypt and with other Arab countries after 67, but [he] was [upset] about her not allowing the Air Force to do a pre-emptive strike.

Shanmugathas: I would think that your parents generation, they would know, to some extent, about Israels dispossession of the Palestinians.

Shapira: I think it was the framework, the way they framed ityou can get it on every official website, from the Ministry of Education to, like, every kind of Israeli propaganda. The narrative goes like this: the UN proposed a partition plan that the Arab countries and Palestinians refused, leading to their attack on us. We won the war, so if you attack us, thats what happens. That was the summary of the narrative. Of course, [my parents] didnt. Maybe they knew something, but perhaps it was pushed to the back of their minds about the fact that, even in the fields near where I grew up next to Tel Aviv, there were remains of a demolished Palestinian village. Later on, when I became an activist, along with my brothers, and especially in the last 20 years after I became an activist, my mother started remembering different things from her childhood and later on. These memories started to add up and paint a full picture for her, remembering her childhood in Tel Aviv, walking next to this abandoned Muslim Palestinian graveyard next to where she was walking to school, asking questions like Where are the people? Whats happening? However, these memories were only brought up retroactively after she was already in her late 60s or so, starting to learn about the Nakba by attending various activities with me and other activist organizations in Israel that teach Israelis about the Nakba and destroyed villages. Through these activities, she could revisit her memories as a child. But as I was growing up, nothing was mentioned or passed to me.

Shanmugathas: Talk about when you joined the Israeli Defense Force (IDF), what position you had in the IDF, and your reason for joining?

Shapira: I was a critically thinking boy in some ways but very Zionist. So, for me, joining the military meant following in my fathers footsteps to become a pilot. I was drawn to flying because I liked everything related to the air; I used to build model airplanes, and I was the kind of child who enjoyed watching birds and airplanes. This interest aligned perfectly with my Zionist belief that I need to be a good soldier in the military to protect my country. Even as a teenager, when I started learning about the problems, my solution was to be part of the system and work from within to fix them. Additionally, as a child and teenager, I was also against the right-wing Likud party figures like Begin and Ariel Sharon, and I held strong left-leaning, peace-loving beliefs. However, I didnt see any contradiction in joining the military; it was completely compatible with my beliefs.

Shanmugathas: Could you talk about what the culture was like in the Israeli military? What was your military training like during the time you were in the Israeli Air Force?

Shapira: You dont have much time for yourself; youre doing physical training, a lot of tests, theory, exams, and flying requirements. Every day is a test, and they can kick you out if you dont excel in meeting the requirements. So, there is a feeling that you really want to finish this course, knowing that 90 percent of the people who start dont finish. You want to be the one who completes it. Consequently, you dont have much time to think about other things.

I have to say that for me, there was an episode when they had us experiencing a couple of weeks of being ground soldiers in the West Bank and Gaza. It was around 1992, I think, so it was relatively quiet during the pre-Oslo peace accord, close to the peace treaty with Jordan. Despite the relative calm, I was quite shocked to see the military actions on the ground and observe how my commanders were behaving. Nevertheless, it made me feel that I would be different, that I would be a good soldier.

Shanmugathas: What kind of things did you see your commanders doing that shocked you?

Shapira: It was all very low-scale, compared to the genocide now; it feels so nave looking back. I remember I was supposed to be sitting on the roof of a house in Gaza, just observing. I think they wanted us to experience what it was like to be ground soldiers. I recall crossing the street and locking eyes with a young girl, probably returning from school. She looked afraid of me, and as I crossed to reach the observation roof, I could sense her fear. I spoke to her in the little Arabic I knew, saying, Dont be afraid. Only later did I realize how ridiculous I must have sounded; she saw my big gun that I was holding, my helmet, and the uniform. I also witnessed my commanders sometimes throwing stun grenades at people without good reason, among other little things like that.

Shanmugathas: Were you ever taught during your military training about the importance of taking precautions in protecting civilians during air missions or during ground missions?

Shapira: Well, my training was as a rescue helicopter pilot, so I was never in combat. I never received training as a fighter pilot. All my training revolved around rescuing people, flying injured people to hospitals, flying commanders and troops. However, the official narrative emphasized that the Israeli military only engages with the enemy and not civilians. We focused on what they called the principle of purity of arms, which is part of the ethical code of the Israeli military. According to this principle, the IDF only fights against the enemy and not civilians. It was discussed, but even then, there was a huge gap between this narrative and reality. Nevertheless, this mindset persisted for me until the year when I decided to change, realizing that I was someone else and that I am a member of a terrorist organization.

Shanmugathas: As an occupation army I would think it is easy to carry out your work if you are able to dehumanize the people you are occupying. So, if you are able to think of Palestinians as rats, or as vermin.

Shapira: I think nowadays, thats definitely what they do, and probably when I was a soldier, they also did it, but in the more exclusive part of the military where I was in service, these things were not very present. So, I dont recall moments when it was like that. It was in the overall narrative, you know, teaching you how the enemies always hide behind civilians, how you can never trust; it was more subtle and camouflaged in a way that dehumanized the Palestinians, the Arabs, etc.which was a helpful thing in the process of training me to believe in the system, because I really went on for years believing in the system. When I finally realized that its a lieeverything is like lies after lies, after liesthen I can go back and revisit different moments and different things I heard, different statements and different stories, and realize how its all part of the big brainwash system, which exists in, I guess, in many military organizations, but that was my experience.

One of the things that actually helped me open my eyes was, you know, sometimes when youre being taken out of your society and put somewhere else, its easy to see the fault of peoples actions and behavior, when youre not a member of the group, when youre looking at it as an outsider. For me, that happened in 2001, just after 9/11. I was sent to do special training in the US military to learn how to fly a Blackhawk helicopter. So, I was there for four and a half months, or something like that, in the US Army base in Alabama. It was the weeks or months before the invasion of Afghanistan.

Right after 9/11, in preparation for the invasion, [I witnessed] the preparation of the mind of the American population and the soldiers, of course. For me, it was a shocking lesson about how propaganda works, and I remember being exposed to this level of militarism and brainwashing of the soldiers in that army base. When I came back home and returned to my military base and Israeli society, I started seeing the things that I couldnt see before or maybe I saw a little bit, but suddenly, they became very, very clear that actually, I am also subjected to this kind of brainwashing. Im also subjected to this kind of inherent militarism, of this kind of ongoing propaganda. Of course, [my disillusionment] was combined with the Second Intifada, and eventually what was the most impactful on me was the Israeli Air Forces [practice of] targeted killing, or they had the different Orwellian names. They called it targeted elimination, which is basically shooting missiles and dropping bombs on civilian populations in Gaza and the West Bankalthough I was not participating directly in it because I was flying rescue helicopters. Something started getting close to home in a way when in a very specific bombardment in July 2002, the Israeli Air Force dropped a one-ton bomb on the house of the leader of the Hamas armed faction in the middle of the night, and they killed him, of course, and I think a total of 15 people. Most of them were children, and there was huge damage to all the surroundings, maybe 150 wounded and severely wounded. You know, I gave lots of interviews about my process of transformation.

When someone changes their perspective on life, its never just one thing; its a long chain of events and moments and encounters, but that specific one is one of these strong moments where I used to say that the nave Zionist boy that I used to be also died in that bombardment because in a way, or with all the lies and with all the brainwashing and with all the deception I was subjected to, that was the moment that I realized that I am part of an organization that is killing innocents intentionally. Its the moment that the ground underneath your feet is shaken, you have no solid thing to step on. You start to find, like, you know, someone that is floating in the sea after the ship was wrecked, and you look for a piece of wood to hold onto or something that will take you to the shore of understanding of whats going on and where you live and whats right and whats wrong and who are your friends and who are your enemies and who of your friends are actually your enemy and who in the enemies are actually your friends and all these questions of identity and belonging. It was a very intense emotional time. Combined with many other encounters and stories, things that happened to me, I came to the decision that I dont just need to leave the system and go somewhere else or do something else and find a solution for myself, but I want to do something just like they taught me all my life that we need to think about the benefit of the greater good of the population, the people, the country, humanity. So, I basically acted upon all the values that they taught me, but it happened to be against the system that I was serving. So, in a way, I felt that I was implementing all those beautiful values that they taught us in school about peace, equality, dedication, sacrifice and everything. But this time, it was against the system that I was serving, and, in a way, at that time, I didnt feel that I was doing it against; I felt that I was doing it in order to save Israel from itself or to save my own people from going into a self-destruction wall or hitting the abyss, and thats when I decided to organize this group of pilots and write a letter and find people that were willing to join me.

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From 'Zionist Dream' to Dissent: An Interview with a Former IDF Captain on Israeli Military Culture, Personal ... - JURIST

Weekly Briefing: Zionism will never be viewed the same after the Gaza genocide – Mondoweiss

Posted By on March 30, 2024

How do you wrap your head around genocide? As one numb week follows another, our leaders blind themselves to massacre and famine.

Joe Biden can see no compelling alternative to how Israel [wages] a war in these circumstances without doing grievous harm to civilians, Aaron David Miller writes in the New York Times, excusing the presidents support for genocide. So, Israel isnt being deliberately cruel and sadistic. The Times coverage would just have you believe they just have no choice as Donald Johnson wrote in a letter to the paper. There is no middle ground between what Israel is doing and Gandhian pacifism: They just had to use 2000 lb bombs in urban settings. They have to torture captives and cut off food.

Miller and other liberal Zionists have adopted that stance, but they are having little influence on Democrats. Polls show that the American people favor giving humanitarian aid to Gaza in far greater numbers than they do giving military aid to Israel, and the progressive base of the Democratic Party has started a political firestorm over U.S. support for genocide. The Zionist group J Street postponed its 2024 conference, surely because its own rank and file are enraged by Israel.

James Carville said onMSNBC this week that if Biden loses, its Israels fault, because the catastrophe in Gaza is an issue all across the country.

This Gaza stuff, this is not just a problem with some snot-nosed Ivy League peopleThis is a problem all across the country. And I hope the president and Blinken can get this thing calmed down because if it doesnt get calmed down before the Democratic convention, its going to be a very ugly time in Chicago. I promise you that. No matter what happens, I know its a huge problem.

Last week, Brad Sherman, the Israel-loving Congress member from Los Angeles, fought back, accusing anti-Israel forces of an attempt to penetrate and muddy our national discourse.

But a week later, Sherman was running through the Capitol as protesters from the antiwar group Code Pink held up bloodied hands before him.

Sherman accused them of antisemitism. Theres blood on your hands for the genocideyoure trying to kill every Jew.

That is the chief refuge for Democrats who excuse Israels actions. To say that critics of genocide are motivated by antisemitism.

But even liberal media are giving a platform to progressive critics. The United States is complicit in genocide, Mehdi Hasan said this week on New York public radio, and when the host pushed back and said Hasan was not blaming Hamas, Hasan said of course he denounces Hamas, but his tax dollars are not going to support Hamas. He also pointed out the inevitable consequences of military occupation. The oppressed will always rise against the oppressor.

And in wonderful media news this week, Atlantic editor Jeffrey Goldberg withdrew from a speaking engagement in Kentucky after students questioned his record in the Israeli military nearly 40 years ago.

Jeffrey Goldberg, Editor-in-Chief of The Atlantic, withdrew from a scheduled speaking event at the University of Kentucky (UK) Wednesday, citing a last-minute schedule change, amidst concerns from students about his past as a former Israel Defense Forces (IDF) prison guard and his views on Zionism. We were informed that students expressed concern as to why a former IDF prison guard would be speaking on democracy and journalism at an event celebrating the integration of UK. Students were told he withdrew to not cause harm on campus, the representative [of a Palestinian solidarity group] stated.

The event was billed as The Future of Journalism and the Health of Our Democracy. Thats a little bit of accountability. The editor of the Atlantic is finally being called out for his service for Israel. The writer Yakov Hirsch repeatedly explained on our site that Netanyahu could not have maintained his faultless reputation in the U.S. mainstream without Goldberg fostering hasbara culture.

And bear in mind, that Goldberg used to brag about his military service. He wrote a whole memoir about it. Now, times are changing. And other editors who carried water for Israel will surely be called on to defend that work.

This process is just beginning. Zionists still have esteem in the U.S. discourse. The view that Israel supporters promote bigotry against Palestinians is still off-limits. Even as mainstream Jewish organizations assert that those who support Palestinian rights are bigoted against Jews.

Israel supporters should be seen as on the same moral level as supporters of Bull Connor, but in the U.S. and Western mainstream you can only point to antisemitism you can never point to anti-Palestinian racism on the Israel side, Donald Johnson has written on our site.

We cannot make progress on this issue if the extreme racism of the pro-genocide side is never discussed. People have to be able to say that any group, whether white southerners or South Africans or Nation of Islam members or Christian evangelical Zionists or Germans or, yes, Jewish supporters of Israel, can be racists. They can make racism central to their ideology. ButZionist racism is still a taboo subject, automatically branded as antisemitic, because fundamentally Palestinians are seen as lesser.

Progressives are actively taking on that discrimination. Please join that effort!

Thanks for reading,

Phil Weiss

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Weekly Briefing: Zionism will never be viewed the same after the Gaza genocide - Mondoweiss

Zionism on Purim during the Israel-Hamas war – The Jerusalem Post

Posted By on March 30, 2024

Jewish holidays are often turned into a mask by anti-Zionist progressive Jews. Hiding behind Jewish aesthetics, they feel they have the freedom to attack Israel and the majority of Jews who are Zionist. Yet while these actors are comfortable wearing the costume of well-known Hanukkah and respectable Passover, they seem to be embarrassed by Purim.

This year there hasnt been much of a megillah of Purim-themed social media posts advocating on behalf of Palestinians and attacking Israel, likely because the holiday enshrines the right of self-defense, a tenet of Zionism that radical left wing Jews would like to deny to the Jewish state.

For this reason, Purim 2024 has seen Jews who have taken a more antagonistic position on Israel, creating content attacking the holiday, revising it, and even downplaying how we should perceive the enemies of the Jews.

National Public Radio on Saturday published an article about the darker chapter in the Book of Esther, in which the Persian Jews fought back against Hamans pogromists and killed 75,000 of them.

The Washington Post also published on Purim eve a similar article about how some American Jews were rethinking Purim celebrations because this chapter was particularly uncomfortable in light of the war.

The Jewish Telegraphic Agency also explored radicals bemoaning the bloodiest chapter. Some of the subjects in the articles, such as The Shalom Centers Chapter 9 Project, even sought to rewrite the over 2000-year-old religious text with new fan fiction endings.

This year the resonances of Israel-Gaza are too strong to ignore, rabbi Arthur Waskow wrote in the introduction of the Chapter 9 Project.

In the Purim narrative, Persian vizier Haman hated prominent Jew Mordechai and his people because they did not bow before him, and had laws different from those of any other people. Haman obtained permission from king Ahasuerus to perform a genocide of the Jewish people, to destroy, massacre, and exterminate all the Jews, young and old, children and women, on a single day, as he put it, and cast a lot for the fateful date of the mass pogrom.

The command went out across the land, and Hamans men prepared themselves for this dirty deed.

Meanwhile, Mordechai told his niece and crypto-Jew queen Esther, who curried favor with Ahasuerus, to execute Haman and to give permission to the Jews to fight back.

On October 7, backed by a Persian regime, Hamas launched a massive pogrom in Israel, murdering, raping, and torturing 1200 people, most of them civilians. Hundreds more were taken into captivity. Israel fought and pushed the pogromists back, and then almost a month later launched a ground invasion to destroy the terrorist organization an endeavor still ongoing as the 2024 Purim celebrations were held.

In the articles, fringe elements of diaspora Jewry conflated both the Jewish military action against Haman and the one against Hamas forces as vengeance.

Rabbi Amichai Lau-Lavie and rabbi Rachel Timoner, for example, published a March 7 opinion piece in The Forward in which they described the killing of 75,000 civilians, the ultimate collective punishment. As with the often regurgitated number of Hamas Health Ministry figures of 30,000, non-combatants and combatants are lumped together to obscure the truth.

In the Purim story, the Persian Jews were still in danger after Hamans execution; Ahasueruss orders could not be rescinded. It was fight or die. Since October 7, rockets have continued to fall on Israel, most captives have not been freed, and Hamas has repeatedly said that it would attempt to cast the lots for other October 7s in the future.

The Israel-Hamas war, like Purim, is not about vengeance, but preventing impending attacks and justice. Because Hamas and Haman are destroyed ascribable to their own plots as they justly deserve.

Let the evil plot, which he devised against the Jews, recoil on his own head, Ahasuerus said, a statement summed up in modern parlance when social media commentators said Hamas and its supporters f**ked around, and found out what the ramifications were for doing so.

Using an advertisement for its interfaith iftar and breaking of the Fast of Esther to call for a Permanent ceasefire, Jews for Racial and Economic Justice claimed that We know unequivocally that responding to violence with massive violence is not the solution and does not make anyone safer, yet tellingly, they dont make any arguments tying the protest to Purim.

Military action in the face of a genocidal force saved the Jewish people during the Purim story, and it is within Jewish tradition to follow accordingly.

What would Esther do? asked the Shalom Institute, writing new Purim endings in which the war was just Mordechais dream, or that Esther magically achieved peace with those that sought to kill her.

IfNotNow asked the same question, with the name of their Sunday Purim for Liberation and Peace, in which they also imagined alternate endings and called for a ceasefire.

Yet reality cannot just be wished away, and as Esther knew, men like Hamas cannot easily be reasoned with. Esther was not in favor of a ceasefire. After 500 pogromists and Hamans 10 sons were killed on the first day of the war, Ahasuerus indicated that their deaths may be enough, but Esther pushed the king to allow her people to continue the battle for another day to put an end to the threat permanently.

Revisionists seek to deny this message of self-defense by claiming that Jewish extremists could use this message to murder innocent civilians. The articles and Shalom Institute essayists invariably cite terrorist Baruch Goldstein, who reportedly justified his murder of Palestinians with the Purim story. Yet Baruch was a unique Purim-inspired radical, acting in the same way that Hamas and its supporters do, targeting civilians.

The Persian Jews and Israel specifically targeted those who raised arms against them. While Ahasuerus gave the Jews license to kill women and children and take their enemies belongings, the megillah doesnt say they did, and explicitly stated they didnt plunder.

A reasonable message of self-defense should not be tainted by the one example that revisionists all muster. It is doubtful that they would judge an Islamic holiday or principle as forever marred, as Lau-Lavi and Timoner called Purim, because of the many riots of Ramadan in Israel, or the 2021 ISIS Eid al-Adha suicide bombing.

Lau-Lavi and Timoner dont want Jews to drown out the name of Haman, a tradition that follows the Torah commandment to blot out the name of Amalek, which is the name given to those who seek to destroy the Jewish people.

The Post and NPR detail how some are uncomfortable with the references to Amalek, such as when Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called Hamas Amalek in an October 28 speech.

We are expected to accept chants calling for Intifada and Jihad on American campuses and are told that there are many interpretations of these terms. Ironically, however, the same nuance cannot be appreciated for the term Amalek.

While the interpretation of the passage you shall blot out the memory of Amalek (Deuteronomy 25:19) is debated to be metaphorical or physical, fighting Amalek is, in fact, a matter of self-defense. The title is often given to those obviously not of the ancient tribe, but rather describes those seeking Israels destruction, such as the Nazis. Like Hamas, Amalek mercilessly ambushed the most vulnerable of the Israelites.

The commandment to blot out Amaleks memory comes when your God grants you safety from all your enemies around you, in the land that your God is giving you as a hereditary portion. The story of Purim demonstrates the importance of having the political power of Esther to be able to seek out ones self-defense.

It also shows the danger of having to rely on others for permission, be it Persian king Ahasuerus or US President Joe Biden, which is why Zionists argue for a Jewish state to enshrine this right. Jews need a place where they do not bow before the whims of various Hamans and can live according to their own laws, different from those of any other people.

The other commandment regarding Amalek is to Remember what Amalek did to you (Deuteronomy 25:17), but by ignoring the lessons of Purim, and by denying the justness of Israeli military action, many are forgetting not only what Haman tried to do, but what Hamas did.

A hostage of a lustful and petulant king, Esther fasted for three days before seeking salvation for her people. On Thursday, activist Yotvat Fireaizen-Weil called for fasting on behalf of the Jewish women still held in captivity who are being abused.

IfNotNow called instead on Tuesday for a three-day fast in solidarity with Gaza, and for a ceasefire, end of military aid to Israel, and the exchange of terrorists for the hostages. Esther hid her identity to protect Jews while some groups dress themselves up in the costume of a Jewish identity so that they can harm their own.Like Mordechai, groups such as Jewish Voice for Peace should have mourned like he did in sackcloth and ashes when the October 7 massacre unfolded, but on the very same day, they blamed Israel for the pogrom and equated Hamass actions to those of the IDF.

The commandment to drink until one cannot tell the difference between Mordechai and Haman is not to equate the two, but is a celebration of the reversal from grief of a massacre to the joy of surviving it. Some Jews seem keen on missing this and drinking deep from an ideology that compels them to not only confuse Israel and Hamas every day, but to revise Jewish scriptures.

The name of the holiday, Purim, refers to the lots that were cast and their reversed effect. Casting ones lot with Hamas and denying Israel the Jewish right of self-defense will only lead to self-inflicted tragedy. As Haman found out, it is easy to be hung by ones own gallows. Hamas did not care about the political beliefs of the Jews they encountered on October 7, killing them wantonly. Anti-Zionist, radical left wing, and anti-Israel Jews in the United States would do well to heed the warnings that Mordechai gave to Esther about Hamans plot: Do not imagine that you, of all the Jews, will escape with your life by being in the kings palace.

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Zionism on Purim during the Israel-Hamas war - The Jerusalem Post

Israel’s ‘Iron Wall’: A brief history of the ideology guiding Benjamin Netanyahu – The Conversation Indonesia

Posted By on March 30, 2024

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has signaled that Israels military will soon launch an invasion of Rafah, the city in the southern Gaza Strip. More than 1 million Palestinians, now on the verge of famine, have sought refuge there from their bombed-out cities farther north. Despite U.S. President Joe Bidens warning against the move, Netanyahu appears, for now, undeterred from his aim to attack Rafah.

The attack is the latest chapter in Israels current battle to eliminate Hamas from Gaza.

But its also a reflection of an ideology, known as the Iron Wall, that has been part of Israeli political history since before the states founding in 1948. The Iron Wall has driven Netanyahu in his career leading Israel for two decades, culminating in the current deadly war that began with a massacre of Israelis and then turned into a humanitarian catastrophe for Gazas Palestinians.

Here is the history of that ideology:

In 1923, Vladimir, later known as Zeev, Jabotinsky, a prominent Zionist activist, published On the Iron Wall, an article in which he laid out his vision for the course that the Zionist movement should follow in order to realize its ultimate goal: the creation of an independent Jewish state in Palestine, at the time governed by the British.

Jabotinsky admonished the Zionist establishment for ignoring the Arab majority in Palestine and their political desires. He asserted the Zionist establishment held a fanciful belief that the technological progress and improved economic conditions that the Jews would supposedly bring to Palestine would endear them to the local Arab population.

Jabotinsky thought that belief was fundamentally wrong.

To Jabotinsky, the Arabs of Palestine, like any native population throughout history, would never accept another peoples national aspirations in their own homeland. Jabotinsky believed that Zionism, as a Jewish national movement, would have to combat the Arab national movement for control of the land.

Every native population in the world resists colonists as long as it has the slightest hope of being able to rid itself of the danger of being colonised, he wrote.

Jabotinsky believed the Zionist movement should not waste its resources on Utopian economic and social dreams. Zionisms sole focus should be on developing Jewish military force, a metaphorical Iron Wall, that would compel the Arabs to accept a Jewish state on their native land.

Zionist colonisation can proceed and develop only under the protection of a power that is independent of the native population behind an iron wall, which the native population cannot breach, he wrote.

In 1925, Jabotinsky founded the Revisionist movement, which would become the chief right-wing opposition party to the dominant Labor Party in the Zionist movement. It opposed Labors socialist economic vision and emphasized the focus on cultivating Jewish militarism.

In 1947, David Ben Gurion and the Zionist establishment accepted partition plans devised by the United Nations for Palestine, dividing it into independent Jewish and Palestinian Arab states. The Zionists goal in accepting the plan: to have the Jewish state founded on the basis of such international consensus and support.

Jabotinskys Revisionists opposed any territorial compromise, which meant they opposed any partition plan. They objected to the recognition of a non-Jewish political entity an Arab state within Palestines borders.

The Palestinian Arab state proposed by the U.N. partition plan was rejected by Arab leaders, and it never came into being.

In 1948, Israel declared its independence, which sparked a regional war between Israel and its Arab neighbors. During the war, which began immediately after the U.N. voted for partition and lasted until 1949, more than half the Palestinian residents of the land Israel claimed were expelled or fled.

At the wars end, the historic territory of Palestine was divided, with about 80% claimed and governed by the new country of Israel. Jordan controlled East Jerusalem and the West Bank, and Egypt controlled the Gaza Strip.

In the new Israeli parliament, Jabotinskys heirs in a party first called Herut and later Likud were relegated to the opposition benches.

In 1967, another war broke out between Israel and Arab neighbors Egypt, Syria and Jordan. It resulted in Israels occupation of East Jerusalem, the West Bank, the Sinai Peninsula, the Gaza Strip and Golan Heights. Yitzhak Rabin led Israels military during that war, called the Six-Day War.

From 1948 until 1977, the more leftist-leaning Labor Party governed Israel. In 1977, Menachem Begin led the Likud to victory and established it as the dominant force in Israeli politics.

However in 1992, Rabin, as the leader of Labor, was elected as prime minister. With Israel emerging as both a military and economic force in those years, fueled by the new high-tech sector, he believed the country was no longer facing the threat of destruction from its neighbors. To Rabin, the younger generation of Israelis wanted to integrate into the global economy. Resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict, he believed, would help Israel integrate into the global order.

In 1993, Rabin negotiated the Oslo Accords, a peace deal with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. The two men shook hands in a symbol of the reconciliation of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The agreement created a Palestinian authority in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, as part of the pathway to the long-term goal of creating two countries, Israel and a Palestinian state, that would peacefully coexist.

That same year, Benjamin Netanyahu had become the leader of the Likud Party. The son of a prominent historian of Spanish Jewry, he viewed Jewish history as facing a repeating cycle of attempted destruction from the Romans to the Spanish Inquisition, the Nazis and the Arab world.

Netanyahu saw the Oslo peace process as the sort of territorial compromise Jabotinsky had warned about. To him, compromise would only invite conflict, and any show of weakness would spell doom.

The only answer to such a significant threat, Netanyahu has repeatedly argued, is a strong Jewish state that refuses any compromises, always identifying the mortal threat to the Jewish people and countering it with an overwhelming show of force.

Since the 1990s, Netanyahus primary focus has not been on the threat of the Palestinians, but rather that of Iran and its nuclear ambitions. But he has continued to say there can be no territorial compromise with the Palestinians. Just as Palestinians refuse to accept Israel as a Jewish state, Netanyahu refuses to accept the idea of a Palestinian state.

Netanyahu believed that only through strength would the Palestinians accept Israel, a process that would be aided if more and more Arab states normalized relations with Israel, establishing diplomatic and other ties. That normalization reached new heights with the 2020 Abraham Accords, the bilateral agreements signed between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and between Israel and Bahrain. These agreements were the ultimate vindication of Netanyahus regional vision.

It should not be surprising, then, that Hamas horrific attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, took place just as Saudi Arabia was nearing normalization of relations with Israel. In a twisted manner, when the Saudis subsequently backed off the normalization plans, the attack reaffirmed Netanyahus broader vision: The Palestinian group that vowed to never recognize Israel made sure that Arab recognition of Israel would fail.

The Hamas attack gave Netanyahu an opportunity to reassert Israels and Jabotinskys Iron Wall.

The massive and wantonly destructive war that Netanyahu has led against Hamas and Gaza since that date is the Iron Wall in its most elemental manifestation: unleashing overwhelming force as a signal that no territorial compromise with the Arabs over historical Palestine is possible. Or, as Netanyahu has repeatedly said in recent weeks, there will be no ceasefire until theres a complete Israeli victory.

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Israel's 'Iron Wall': A brief history of the ideology guiding Benjamin Netanyahu - The Conversation Indonesia


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